1
ATTITUDES OF DISPOSABILITY TOWARDS MMIWG ON THE HIGHWAY OF TEARS, A CPTED
STUDY

By:
Molly Clare
201684689
Under the supervision of
Harpreet Aulakh, PhD

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS, JUSTICE, AND
POLICY STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF
ARTS - CRIMINAL JUSTICE (HONOURS)
Mount Royal University
Date Submitted: April 2023

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Copyright 2023
Molly J. Clare
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

This work is completed in its entirety by Molly J. Clare. All rights are reserved to the
information provided within this document.

MOUNT ROYAL UNIVERSITY
CALGARY, AB. CANADA

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Abstract
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls has been a common topic in the media for
the past few decades, and the Canadian government and Canadian people are beginning to
recognize, realise and uncover the truths behind the continuing epidemic of Indigenous women
identifying and LGBTQ2+ being victimised and murdered all over the country. As the cause is
gaining attention, it is important to take the time to understand why thousands of Indigenous
Women and Girls have gone missing or have been found murdered with little to no attention
from police, society, or the media. This project connects the relationship between “disposability”
and “MMIWG”, and then implements the relation onto the case study of the Highway of Tears,
using CPTED to provide a concrete direction of application for future use. The research is found
by using a semi-systematic literature review and case study approach using online journal tools
and examining the contents for similar relationships and findings. A clear equation can be
formulated to understand how MMIWG has grown exponentially with little knowledge to the
greater public. Society finds certain behaviours as “risky”, and these behaviours come with
predetermined consequences that are accepted as a punishment. Therefore, if Indigenous women
partake in societally deemed “risky” behaviours, and if they face violence, it is deemed as an
acceptable punishment, therefore when it is taken to the police there is less help provided due to
the preconceived notions that the violence is the result of the “risky” behaviours, versus the
Indigenous women being a target of violence. This project utilises a CPTED study on the
Highway of Tears in order to create recommendations to make the space safer. The results found
that there was a lack of defensible space, light and the environment inhibits communities to be
key agents in their own safety, which speaks to the rates of MMIWG on the highway.
Keywords: MMIWG, Highway of Tears, Disposability, CPTED.

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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the following people for their support, care, and love throughout my life.
To my parents (R.C&K.C ) for supporting me always through my academic career. To my sister
(E.C) for always being a light in my life. My partner (J.L), thank you for your constant support
and encouragement. I would like to thank my best friend (M.S) for being my rock and my clarity
when I need it. To my dear friends (E.F&H.W&C.W) for always having my back and riding this
academic journey with me. I would like to thank the fantastic professors at Mount Royal
University for inspiring, leading, challenging, and supporting me throughout my degree.
Specifically, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Harpreet Aulakh for her continued care and
support of me, and all students at Mount Royal University. The level of care and compassion I
received throughout my academic career in this university is outstanding, and the professors in
this degree have inspired my perspective and life for the good.
Thank you all, ever so much.

Molly Clare

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Land Acknowledgement
Mount Royal University is located in the traditional territories of the Niitsitapi (Blackfoot) and
the people of the Treaty 7 region in southern Alberta, which includes the Siksika, the Piikani, the
Kainai, the Tsuut'ina and the Iyarhe Nakoda. We are situated on land where the Bow River meets
the Elbow River. The traditional Blackfoot name of this place is "Mohkinstsis," which we now
call the city of Calgary. The city of Calgary is also home to the Métis Nation.

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Table of Contents
Situating Myself………………………………………………………………….7
Introduction…………………………………………………………..……….…9
Methodology……………………………………………………………...……..11
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls?...................................16
Disposability……………………………………………………………….…….23
National Inquiry into MMIWG………………………………………………..29
Highway of Tears………………………………………………………….…….35
Billboards………………………………………………………………….……..41
CPTED and Geographic Isolation………………………………….…………..48
Conclusions…………………………………………………………..…….……..53
References……………………………………………………………..………….55

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Situating Myself
I remember the first time I heard of the Highway of Tears. I was sitting in my secondyear undergraduate Indigenous peoples and the Canadian Criminal Justice System class, with my
now supervisor Dr. Harpreet Aulakh. The newfound knowledge of the Missing and Murdered
Indigenous Women and Girls coupled with the Highway of Tears and lack of acknowledgement
of the horrific disappearances and murders along the highway shook my being. My perspective
of Canada has changed ever since. This found motive and passion guided me through my
academic career, having written and completed multiple essays and projects on the topic of the
Highway of Tears. Therefore, having conducted years of research and having spent days
considering the tragedies, it is important to situate myself in this as a first-generation immigrant
young white woman who is working towards being a good ally, and advocating for justice.
Aside from my academic career, I have been fortunate enough to work in different
sectors of law enforcement and have touched but have not been deeply involved in situations
involving Indigenous communities. These experiences have shaped my perspective and created
an interest and passion for MMIWG and the Highway of Tears. This topic feels close to my heart
because the women that are being stolen are my age, my mother’s age, and my sister’s age.
Being a non-Indigenous woman, I feel responsible for advocating and raising awareness for
those who are being ignored, forgotten and subsequently victim-blamed for their tragic murders.
It’s important to recognize that being an ally is a process, and my intentions are to help
the focus in academia to be shifted on MMIWG and for action to be taken to help prevent
women and girls going missing.

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The issues in this thesis can be difficult to read and may be traumatic if the reader is
someone who has been personally affected by MMIWG or is negatively affected by the topics at
hand. Regardless of the reason, if the reader feels as though they could benefit from talking to
someone, there are some resources provided that can help below:
●

The National MMIWG 24/7 Helpline 1-844-413-6649

●

Talk4Healing (Ontario) 1-855-554-4325

●

National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls
Support Phone Line 1-844-413-6649

●

First Nations and Inuit Hope for Wellness 1-855-242-3310

●

Mental Health Helpline (Alberta) 1-877-303-2642

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Introduction
In recent years, the epidemic of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls has
grown tremendously in Canada, and Indigenous issues have started to be given more attention by
the government, media, and society. Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls is a
specific issue that has gained public attention, due to the increasing rates but also due to the lack
of knowledge surrounding the topic. As Canadians are given more information about
MMIWG2S+, and the increased rates of violence towards Indigenous females and femaleidentifying, there is a societal need for understanding of how stereotypes, environments and
colonialism has influenced and enabled the tragedies to occur.
In this research thesis, there is discussion of the relationship between attitudes of
disposability that are associated with Indigenous women and girls, and the connection these
attitudes have with Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, then applying this
relationship to the case of Highway of Tears, using Crime Prevention Through Environmental
design to produce physical evidence.
Disposability is the term coined with the attitudes and stereotypes given to Indigenous
women during colonialist times that has continued to have negative effects on Indigenous
women and girls' lives to this day. Indigenous females are stereotyped as devious, troublefinding, promiscuous and living “high-risk” lifestyles, and the effects these stereotypes have on
the females are that they are seen as disposable in society. The term disposable is referencing
feelings of replaceability and carelessness, where they were destined to find trouble or violence
due to their stereotyped deviance. Therefore, when an Indigenous female faces violence, they are
taken less seriously in multiple sectors of society, like their community, the police, the justice
system and in medical fields. This enables violence, like homicides, to fall under the radar of the

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police, but also of the public. The effects of this in Canada has become the phenomenon of
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, where so many Indigenous females and
female-identifying people have been victims of suspected violence, that have gone missing or
have been found murdered.
In this thesis, there is an exploration of the effects of disposability and Missing and
Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls on the Highway of Tears, also known as Highway 16
between Prince George and Prince Rupert in Northern British Columbia, Canada. The Highway
of Tears, the nickname given due to the high reports of Indigenous Women and Girls going
missing, and some being found murdered, is a hot spot for Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women and Girls and has many environmental and societal factors that contribute to the high
rates of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. The thesis explores the Crime
Prevention Through Environmental Design of the highway, and how the environmental factors
contribute to Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. Subsequently, the
relationship between disposability, Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, CPTED
of the Highway and legislation is uncovered to show how multiple factors influence the rates of
violence against Indigenous women along this area.

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Methodology
This thesis pertains to Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, and the
relationship with the stereotype of being disposable in relation to the geographical area of the
Highway of Tears. The research question is: How do attitudes of disposability affect MMIWG
on the Highway of Tears? This topic is important to study because the rates of MMIWG are
increasing and becoming more prominent in society, however there is still little awareness of the
high rates of MMIWG on the Highway of Tears.
The purpose of this thesis is to connect the theory and attitudes of disposability to
MMIWG, and then apply the relationship onto the Highway of Tears, which then uses CPTED to
provide concrete directions to public officials and government in how to physically prevent
MMIWG.
This thesis adds value to the understanding of the issue by analysing society’s attitudes
towards Indigenous women and girls, especially as deeming them as disposable goods. The
relationship between the stereotype and the physical violence that Indigenous women face, or are
at a higher risk of facing, becomes clearer and more apparent. Therefore, by applying the
relationship to the case study of the Highway of Tears, one can use CPTED to understand the
physical boundaries and obstacles that can influence the rates of MMIWG. Indigenous women
make up 16% of all female homicides between 1980 and 2012, when only representing 4% of the
population (National inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). Indigenous women and
girls are 12 times more likely to be murdered or go missing than any other woman in Canada,
and 16 times more likely to go missing than a Caucasian woman (National inquiry into
MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). These rates are worrying because they are the only reported
rates, and even the reported rates are increasing over the years. Therefore, by analysing how

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attitudes of disposability affects MMIWG on the Highway of Tears and using CPTED to
understand the physicality of the problem, the research will be applicable for public officials and
the public to bring awareness and change.
Research Design
The research design used in this thesis paper is a semi-systematic literature review and a
case study design which aims to study phenomena or issues where not much is known (Labaree,
2019, Case Study Design). This research design will be useful in bringing an understanding to
the complex issue of MMIWG on the Highway of Tears, especially when using the variable of
“Attitudes of Disposability'' into play.
Case study design applies various methodologies and a variety of sources to investigate a
research problem, which is beneficial for this thesis as it covers a variety of academic sources,
news sources and advocacy groups statements to obtain a fuller understanding of the problem
(Labaree, 2019, Case Study Design).
There are limitations to this research design, as the Highway of Tears only has a small
portion of studies conducted on it and is quite a specified area, therefore it would be difficult to
generalise the findings to a wider population (Labaree, 2019, Case Study Design).
Conceptualization and Operationalization
The three main variables that I am attempting to address are “MMIWG”, the “Attitudes
of Disposability” and “the Highway of Tears”. To begin, MMIWG, also known as MMIWG2S+
or MMIWG is a label for the Indigenous women, girls, two-spirited plus who are missing or have
been found or presumed murdered. In this thesis it will be recognized that MMIWG2+ is the
appropriate term that includes all women-identifying and more who are affected by gendered and
race-based violence. However, this thesis paper uses MMIWG as the main descriptor, as the

13
research conducted mainly uses that term, and MMIWG is the official term used in the federal
inquiry into MMIWG.
Secondly, the phrase “Attitudes of Disposability '' works into the term disposability.
Disposability is a term used for an item that is disposable, that can be thrown away and another
can be retrieved with ease. The term disposable can also be understood as a product that was
designated to be thrown away after use, typically one use (Khanna, 2009, pg. 184). It is also key
to understand that to dispose, there must be a disposer and the disposer has a power over the item
being disposed of (Khanna, 2009, pg. 184). Razack’s disposability framework for understanding
violence provides a developed understanding of how Indigenous women’s bodies have been
sexualized, and the sexualization has been linked to a history of colonialism that speaks to the
levels of violence they face but also the degrading way their bodies are disposed (Johnson, 2020,
pg. 29). The term disposable can also be applied to society’s actions and beliefs about
Indigenous women, as they are treated as though they are disposable due to society's perspective
of their “high-risk” lifestyles, and stereotyped promiscuousness and deviance. Therefore, when
violence or tragedy occurs towards Indigenous women, it’s seen as a shoulder shrug because it
was “bound to happen '' due to their lifestyle choices. Society treats Indigenous women as
disposable in many aspects when violence occurs, for example police putting little effort into
their cases, or not recognizing the “missing” cases at all because Indigenous women tend to run
away, therefore won’t be taken seriously when reported.
Thirdly, the phrase “Highway of Tears” which references Highway 16 travelling from Prince
Rupert to Prince George in Northern British Columbia. The term “Highway of Tears” comes
from the violence and tragedy that has occurred for the Indigenous groups along the highway,
with 18 police-identified reports of murdered or missing women, with 10 being Indigenous

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(Johnson, N.D, pg.29). On the other hand, Indigenous communities have reported over 40 of
their community members have gone missing or have been murdered on the Highway of Tears
(Johnson, 2020, pg.29).
Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design is a design tool that draws on
environmental and behavioural psychology to attempt to design out crime, with the designing of
neighbourhoods and space to create more viewpoints and less dark areas where crime would be
easier to commit (Cozens & Love, 2015, pg.396). In this thesis, Crime Prevention Through
Environmental Design is abbreviated to CPTED, and then utilized to create physical examples
and ideas of how policy makers can design out crime on the Highway of Tears.
Data Collection Methods and Sources
The method of study that is used in this thesis is online data collection. Online data collection
is a method of data collection in which the researcher uses multiple online libraries and journals
to type in keywords related to their topic to extract journals and articles related to the key word
(Methods and Methodology, N.D, pg.1). The research design used to support the method of
online data collection in this research is semi-systematic literature review. With respect to the
Indigenous subjects and heavily emotional content that is researched, it is important to ensure to
keep decolonising and Indigenous methodologies in mind. Although these methodologies are
typically in respect to primary data collection, by applying a decolonising methodology it
ensures to vocalize the Indigenous perspective by keeping Indigenous stories and experiences
alive throughout the thesis paper (Liamputtong, 2019, Pg. 14). In the case of this topic, using
Indigenous methodologies is important to ensure there is a decolonization perspective when
explaining the prevalence of MMIWG, and the high rates of it on the Highway of Tears and the
colonist perspective of disposability placed on Indigenous females.

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Key words: MMIWG, Highway of Tears, National Inquiry, Mobility, Billboards, indigenous,
girls, indigenous murder, women murder, high risk.
This paper utilises semi-systematic review within the method of online data collection by
having systematic and organised instructions for data collection. The main online databases that
is used is the Mount Royal University library databases,.
For the topic of MMIWG, disposability and the Highway of Tears, there are a variety of
sources that can be found in relation, or using the keywords associated. The selection criteria was
based on the initial reading of the article’s abstracts, and then the first quick reading of the article
for relevance. For example, when typing “disposability” into the search bar, there are many
results that are displayed that do not pertain to this subject, mainly research articles pertaining to
recycling and eco-efforts to help the earth. Therefore, by adding the term MMIWG into the
search bar, the types of articles that then appear change and are more targeted to Indigenous
violence and violence against women. Then, by analysing the titles and abstracts of each result
for the term disposability can be focused upon and the research selection becomes more defined.
The next chapter focuses on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and can
be a heavy topic to read. The upcoming chapter aims in providing the reader with a background
to MMIWG, the colonialist structures and notions that allowed hundreds of Indigenous women
and girls to experience violence, and then go ignored and the current day reality of MMIWG.

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Missing and Murdered Women and Girls
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls is a concept that has been seen in
the media frequently in the past 10 years, and becoming more prevalent in Canadian society,
academia, and the media now. MMIWG is a term used to describe the ongoing historical and
present problem of Indigenous Women and Girls going missing, and, or subsequently being
found murdered. Indigenous women and girls have been targeted by colonial violence and
continue to be oppressed by it to this day (Luoma, 2021, pg.33). As mentioned in the previous
chapter, the term MMIWG is used in this thesis as it is the most known and popular term used in
Canada, and it’s used within the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women
and Girls - Final Report which were created by families of victims of MMIWG. However, it is
important to note that MMIWG2+ includes all individuals, female identifying and others, who
are targeted due to their sexuality and Indigenous race, and face violence or disappearances.
When the term MMIWG is used in this paper, it is discussing all individuals who are femaleidentifying or targeted for their sexuality and Indigenous race and have been murdered or
disappeared. It is important to understand that MMIWG or MMIWG2+ is multifaceted, and the
gendered violence brought by colonialist views targets many individuals of Indigenous
community in a variety of ways. However, using the term provided in the National Inquiry into
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls - Final Report is helpful when falling back
to documents like the Inquiry and Symposium, but also agencies who focus on MMIWG.
In 2010, the Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC) confirmed that there were
582 known cases over the span of 20 years of missing or murdered Indigenous women and girls
(National inquiry into MMIWG volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). Maryanne Pearce identified 824 cases
of MMIWG in 2013 when writing her thesis for her doctorate in law (National inquiry into

17
MMIWG volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). Between the dates of 1980 and 2012, in an RCMP review,
they identified 1181 cases of police-reported incidents of MMIWG (National inquiry into
MMIWG volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). Within this RCMP report, they stated that Indigenous
women made up 16% of all female homicides between 1980 and 2012 when only representing
4% of the female population (National inquiry into MMIWG volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54).
Nowadays, within relation to population growth, this number now looks like 24% of all homicide
victims are Indigenous (National inquiry into MMIWG volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). To extend this
point further, research taken at the University of Manitoba has released that Indigenous women
and girls are 12 times more likely to be murdered or go missing than any other woman in
Canada, and 16 times more likely to go missing than a Caucasian woman (National inquiry into
MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 54). What this group of statistics is explaining is that Indigenous
women and girls are being targeted and victimised at increasingly high rates compared to their
population, and these rates are only increasing with time. The epidemic of Indigenous women
being violently targeted is troublesome, especially when Indigenous women are seven times
more likely to be targeted by serial killers, and more likely to be killed by acquaintances than
non-Indigenous men (National inquiry into MMIWG volume 1a, 2019, pg. 55). In 2014, the
RCMP issued a report stating that Indigenous women made up for 16% of all female homicides
between 1980 and 2012, which is a gigantic overrepresentation when they constituted only 4% of
the female population in Canada (Luoma, 2021, pg.34). With these statistics in mind, and federal
and provincial agencies reporting on these specifics, there is a clear problem at hand in society
that is targeting Indigenous women and girls specifically.
Indigenous people are often categorised under part of the “fourth world”, which is
described as a community whose members tend to experience poor social outcomes whilst living

18
in a first world country (Parsloe & Campbell, 2021, pg.1). Indigenous women were previously
stereotyped as dirty, lazy, immoral, by the white colonists and these stereotypes leaked into
Canadian society and still linger in this age (Luoma, 2021, pg.33). These stereotypes
disempower Indigenous women and girls to this day, continuing in a cycle that promotes genderbased violence, and racism towards Indigenous women and girls (Luoma, 2021, pg.33). Systemic
violence against Indigenous women and girls is seen as normalised and institutionalised due to
these stereotypes that have been accepted in society (Luoma, 2021, pg.34).
The Indigenous women are stereotyped as “squaw”, which refers to a woman who is
promiscuous, prone to deviance, incapable of controlling impulses (Morton, 2016, pg.304). The
relationship between this stereotype and the public acceptance of violence against Indigenous
women and girls is prevalent. Due to the “squaw” stereotype, society deems Indigenous women
as prone to deviance and promiscuous, therefore when they ultimately get themselves into
trouble they are considered as disposable and deserving of the outcome. The idea is that the
Indigenous women are already marked as devious, therefore when violence occurs, they are
almost deserving of it due to their “risky lifestyle”, and when it occurs it was “bound to happen”
therefore brushed off by police and society.
Although this concept has engrossed Canadian society in the past decade, it has been
prevalent in Indigenous communities for centuries. The study Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women Initiative - Final Report: What was Shared conducted in 2015 by the Alberta Justice and
Solicitor General Victim Services. The study focused on MMIWG in Alberta and surveyed over
575 Indigenous communities to identify the needs of victims of crimes and trauma, and
subsequently inform the Alberta Justice and Solicitor General Victim Services service delivery
of what they can do better, but also use the data for broader policy work (Justice and Solicitor

19
General, 2015, pg.4). The report found that 38% of respondents were personally aware of
MMIWG in their community (Justice and Solicitor General, 2015, pg.33). 46% knew a
murdered Indigenous woman, and of all the questions asked among participants the themes that
stood out were intergenerational trauma, structural inequities, geographic isolation, and impact of
vulnerabilities on community and individuals (Justice and Solicitor General, 2015, pg.33).
Colonial violence is the underlayer of MMIWG, where due to colonisation, colonialism
has swept its way into Canada’s systems in an attempt to rid of Indigenous culture and lifestyle.
Colonial violence is multi-faceted, with there being layers of the assimilation of Indigenous
peoples, but also within the social and economic marginalisation and can be seen today in our
educational systems, government systems and in society (National inquiry into MMIWG,
volume 1a, 2019, pg. 111). Indigenous people experience poverty, homelessness, food insecurity,
unemployment, and barriers to education and more at much higher rates than non-Indigenous
people (National inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 114). The social and economic
marginalisation that many Indigenous people face due to colonialism can increase the rates of
victimisation of violence (National inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 114). In an effort
to survive, individuals do what they can in an effort to obtain basic needs like access to shelters,
counselling, education, and other supports (National inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg.
114). As stated in the Reclaiming Power and Place, Volume 1a describes, the denial of accessible
social and economic security is what leads to violence for Indigenous Women and Girls
(National Inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 114).
When looking on Google Trends and searching the keywords and phrases: MMIWG,
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Highway of Tears, the common theme among
these examples are that they have increased in usage dramatically. This Google Trends tool is a

20
great source to see the popularity of the term, where and when over Canada. The Trends tool
allows the reader to pick multiple key words and combine them to compare the search
popularity.

Source: Google. (n.d). Google Trends. Retrieved February 7th, 2023, retrieved from:
https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?date=all&geo=CA&q=missing%20and%20murdered%
20indigenous%20women,MMIWG,Highway%20of%20Tears

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By looking at the tables provided above, the first looks at how each key term has
increased rapidly since 2004. There is an upsurge of yellow, which is the Highway of Tears, in
2004-2006 search terms, likely due to the symposium that was being submitted for the Highway
of Tears. However, with the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, and MMIWG, there has
been growing interest, with the height in 2019 when the MMIWG report and Inquiry was
released, and then it has retracted but continued to rise in popularity. The continued rise in
popularity can likely be attributed to the “red dress day” and “orange shirt day” which has come
into use in Canada after hundreds of mass graves of children who were forced into residential
schools are being found all over the country. However, the point of using the Google Trends tool
to understand how these terms have continued to gain popularity in google searches, but also in
society. These concepts are dominating news stories, Canadian homes, and the education system.
It is only in the past decade that the majority of the population has begun to acknowledge
MMIWG, the Highway of Tears and the genocide of Indigenous women across Canada.
Although the disposability of Indigenous women across Canada has been in play for hundreds of
years, the acceptance and accountability of it is being understood to this day.
This chapter emphasises the importance of acknowledging the colonialist past that has let
MMIWG occur, but also still provides space for MMIWG to continue in the present day. As a
reader, understanding our role in MMIWG and how one can work towards being an ally is
important. By recognizing and promoting days of awareness for MMIWG and holding the
government accountable for their lack of actions in helping the Indigenous women and girls in
need. The next chapter focuses on the theory of disposability and how it is tied to Indigenous
women and girls historically and in the present day. By understanding the colonialist actions

22
with attitudes of disposability and how it is portrayed in the treatment of Indigenous women and
girls, we can make positive changes to acknowledge and prevent future MMIWG.

23
Disposability
Disposability is a multi-faceted term that is used in two separate ways (Khanna, 2009, pg.
184). The first use is references to “disposable camera”, where something is used once, or a few
times, and is then disregarded as either it’s full or a new one can be easily acquired (Khanna,
2009, pg.184). The second usage is as “disposable income” or “disposable assets” where one has
so much of something and it’s so easily available that it can be used with ease (Khanna, 2009,
pg. 184). In regards to naming a human as disposable, Khanna discusses Giorgio Agamben’s
theory of “naked life”, which are individuals who are basically invisible, or born to die, garbagepopulations or throwaway men (Khanna, 2009, pg.186).
Indigenous women are seen as disposable because of their “high risk” lifestyles, therefore
when violence occurs it’s seen as a consequence of their lifestyle, and is thought of as almost
deserving (Johnson, 2020, pg. 27). High risk lifestyles are hard to define, but in society are seen
as those who partake in activities like alcohol or drugs, transiency, partying, hitch-hiking, sexwork, and overall “promiscuous” behaviour. Although this definition is broad, and can be
applied to all members of society, especially youths and young women, the “high risk” lifestyle
can be brushed away for some, however for the Indigenous this label defines their actions in
society (Johnson, 2020, pg. 27-28). The actions of a few can define a whole race of people, this
concept is felt by many BIPOC groups, and is used as a hate-tactic by white supremacists
(Johnson, 2020, pg. 27-28).
Indigenous women are seen as “willing victims” because of the high-risk lifestyles they
are forced to take (Morton, 2016, pg.304). Society lays the blame onto the Indigenous women,
acting as though the high-risk lifestyle is a choice, and they have the equal and adequate
opportunities as a white woman to secure education and work opportunities. Therefore, with this

24
wronged perspective in mind, when violence occurs to Indigenous women instead of viewing
them as a victim, society blames them for the violence as though it was deserved for their actions
and lifestyle choices (Morton, 2016, pg.304). Due to racism and colonialism in Canadian society,
Indigenous women are seen to be living a different lifestyle than the white and patriarchal norm,
therefore when violence occurs, it is blamed on the lifestyle the individual lives rather than the
offender who committed the violence (Morton, 2016, pg.304). The emphasis here is that
different is wrong, which is an old but well used colonialist tool to justify the capturing and
enslavement of marginalised populations, like the Indigenous. Therefore, the judgement from
Canadian society onto the different cultural lifestyle that the Indigenous live is deemed devious,
and wrong therefore consequences of violence is their battle to fight because they don’t live the
colonialist lifestyle. In relation to Indigenous women and girls, the equation seems to look like
Risky Behaviour (like Hitchhiking) = Violence = Deserved = Lack of care/support from police
and society (Johnson, 2020, pg. 28).
This equation fuelled by colonialist racist views, and then by the treatment of Indigenous women
and girls from past to present. The risky behaviour could be in the form of hitchhiking, being out
late at night, certain “promiscuous” work roles and substance use. These risky behaviours are
seen as negative for Indigenous women and girls and females in general, yet in some instances
they are promoted for white males. For the violence, this could be in the form of physical
violence as a result of the “risky behaviour”, or violence as in a negative outcome like
overdosing from a tainted substance. Then, the connection is made between the risky behaviour
and violence, and in the lens of Indigenous women and girls, there is an attitude of disposability
attached as though they deserve the outcome because they participated in risky behaviour. Due to
this attitude and blaming, the outcome leads to less policy support, less support from police and

25
less support from society and the violence aspect of the equation is given leeway to become
worse.
Since colonisation, society has deemed Indigenous women and girls as invisible and in
regards to the patriarchy and women’s stance on the hierarchy, Indigenous women are found at
the lower end of the hierarchy. The term “Naked Life” works as the background for the attitudes
of disposability (Khanna, 2009, pg. 186). Those individuals who are seen as naked, in reference
the Indigenous women and girls, are seen not as individuals, but as a population, therefore when
one goes missing there is always another around the corner (Khanna, 2009, pg. 186). The notion
of naked lives goes hand in hand with attitudes of disposability, because due to Indigenous
females being seen as invisible, and having a lack of identity in society, they are seen as
disposable, in reference to Khanna’s first definition of disposable, they are deemed like a
disposable camera (Khanna, 2009, pg.184). Like a disposable camera, society finds Indigenous
women replaceable and disposable, they can be thrown away and a new one can be retrieved, as
there is an abundance of them. In addition, with the “naked life” theory and attitudes of
disposability, the “risky lifestyles'' that Indigenous women are portrayed of living relates to the
“born to die” aspect of naked life, where they are disposable, and their lives are not worth
counting as their violent death/disappearance is there predetermined future.
The aspect of Indigenous women being seen as disposable is perfectly shown in the
Cindy Gladue case, which involves a Cree woman who was violently murdered in Edmonton by
a white male whilst working as a sex worker (Razack, 2019, pg. 285). Cindy had a contracted
sexual encounter with the male, Bradley Barton, in a hotel room in Edmonton, who had
purchased sexual encounters from her previously (Razack, 2019, pg. 286). Barton claims that he
inserted his fists into Gladue’s vagina, causing a tear during supposed “consensual rough sex”,

26
however the Crown argues that the 11-centimetre tear was caused by the insertion of a knife
(Razack, 2019, pg. 286).
What links this case to the attitudes of disposability, is that the courts had little respect for
Cindy as an individual, a family member, a sister or a daughter, and decided to introduce her
physical body parts in court as evidence. Cindy was encompassed and reduced to a mere body
part, where there was outcry for the body parts being shown in court yet disregard for her
Indigenous heritage and her work (Razack, 2019, pg. 286). Barton disregarded Cindy’s humanity
and reduced her to disposable matter during the night that he murdered her, seeing her
Indigenous heritage and profession as disposable, playing off her “naked life”, leaving her in the
bathtub to bleed to death. However, the court disposed of her womanhood in just the same aspect
by providing her vagina tissue where she had been bludgeoned into the courtroom for the jury to
see.
The framework of disposability that Razack uses identifies how Indigenous women’s
bodies, dead or alive, and their value of humanity in the social order is made clear to be the
lowest (Razack, 2019, pg. 291). We see this in many ways in relation to MMIWG, with the
physical evidence and body parts of the victim being treated without respect to Indigenous
culture or human dignity. We see this attitude of disposability to Indigenous women as
individuals before violence occurs, and after the fact of the violence, proving that the attitudes of
disposability are circular and never-ending. This is especially evident in police-work, with police
not taking Indigenous women seriously, having little resources or effort in place to help find
missing Indigenous women, and little effort in prosecuting and investigating those who
committed violence against Indigenous women and girls. Razack explains this concept perfectly,
by understanding that Indigenous people (specifically Indigenous females) are treated as

27
disposable in settler colonialism, who are understood to be waste and surplus, and are marked for
death, cast out as excess and are populations that cannot be improved or contribute to modern
society (Razack, 2019, pg. 299). Although harsh, these points are evident in the treatment of
MMIWG, and the over 1200 cases of MMIWG throughout Canada that are known (Razack,
2019, pg. 285).
In the police perspective, due to the negative colonialist stereotypes of Indigenous
women, the MMIWG cases remained unsolved or take less precedence than other cases due to
attitudes of disposability that society has accepted, creating precedence that Indigenous women
are acceptable targets for violent crime (Wilson, 2018, pg. 154).
As this thesis is written, Canadians are once again reminded of MMIWG and
disposability. In 2022, a man named Jeremy Skibicki was charged with four first-degree murder
charges after partial remains of one Indigenous woman was found in a garbage can, and he
confessed to having murdered 3 more women and leaving their remains in garbage cans (Talaga,
2022, para.4). There is current uproar because the Winnipeg Police Service have deemed
searching for the remains of the three women who are suspected to be in the city landfill is not
‘feasible” (Talaga, 2022, para.2). To restate this, there are remains of three murdered Indigenous
women of the names of Morgan Harris, Mercedes Myran and a third who has no known identity
named Buffalo Woman, who were mothers, daughters, nieces and part of the human race are
being laid to rest in a landfill in Winnipeg because Winnipeg Police Service don’t believe it’s
worth their time to take the victims home (Tagala, 2022, para.2). Once again, the government is
ignoring, and therefore accepting that Indigenous women are disposable, and are not worth the
resources to remove their bodies and lay them to rest. What this entails is that there needs to be
more action and accountability for the government to live up to their words, and promises

28
provided after the final report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women and Girls, and for the government to act. The question begs, if these women were white,
would Winnipeg City police find is “feasible” to rescue their bodies and bring them home to
their families?
This chapter focuses on the framework of disposability, the different uses for the term
and focuses on how the term is used with respect to MMIWG and Indigenous women in general.
Disposability framework is fuelled by colonialist views and is used to justify violence and
disappearances of Indigenous women and girls. Disposability framework works in the shadows
and is evident in lack of police work on cases, media articles, and the countless cases of
MMIWG that are only being brought to light now. The next chapter dives into the National
Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and how it has brought to light
issues that were ignored in the past.

29
National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls
In 2019 the report Reclaiming power and place: The final report of the national inquiry
into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls was released to the public, which began
in 2015 after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was elected (Hansen & Dim, 2019, pg. 1). In this
thesis, this report shall be referred to as the inquiry. The inquiry came to be after multiple
Indigenous women’s organisations created calls for justice to discuss the rising problem of
MMIWG in Canada (Hansen & Dim, 2019, pg. 1). Researchers engaged in a “truth-seeking”
process which involved community hearings, finding knowledge from Indigenous Knowledge
Keepers, and using testimony from over 2,000 participants over a span of 4 years to collect
information and evidence, and then collaborate in creating the National Inquiry into Missing and
Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls - Final Report (Parsloe & Campbell, 2021, pg.1). The
inquiry’s intent is to inform the public officials and policy planners about the high number of
MMIWG, and the urgency of disparity in society that Indigenous women and girls face,
including physical, economic, social, and environmental disparity (Hansen & Dim, 2019, pg. 2).
The inquiry uses research conducted compiling 24 hearings across the country, 750 or so
people's statements, eight institutional visits to correctional facilities, four guided dialogues,
eight validation meetings and more (National inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg.4).
There are three parts to the inquiry, the first being the Volume 1a, the second being the
Volume 1b and the third being the Supplementary Report. All in all, the inquiry is long with a
combined total of 1127 pages. The National Inquiry is an important document as it legitimises
the issue of MMIWG in society and provides research and framework for future studies and
ways to help Indigenous women and girls. The inquiry has a multitude of information around the
occurrence and continuance of MMIWG in Canada. Described in the report, MMIWG came to

30
be due to “engines of destruction” coming together through colonial legislation and action that
attempted to assimilate the Indigenous population through residential schools and limits on
human rights leading to conditions where violence, drug and alcohol abuse and suicide rates
increase dramatically among Indigenous communities (Thorne, 2019, pg.1). Some of the results
of the inquiry were validating that Indigenous women and girls face interpersonal violence, lack
of personal security becoming normalised and a sense of abandonment encouraging coping
behaviours like substance abuse and suicide stimulated by a lack of support from healthcare
professionals and police (Parsloe & Campbell, 2021, pg.1). Whilst considering that the report is
large, the findings are that there is significant, persistent, and deliberate patterns of systemic
racial and gendered human rights and Indigenous rights violations and abuses, found historically
and currently being maintained by the Canadian State designed to assimilate and displace
Indigenous peoples (National inquiry into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 174). These violations
all contribute to the countless cases of disappearances and murders of Indigenous women and
girls. The report also finds that the treaties set in place that were signed over 150 years ago that
were supposed to protect the Indigenous people have not been implemented in legal structure,
therefore Canada has failed to keep up with their promise, and the result of this promise breaking
is the deaths and disappearances of hundreds of Indigenous Women and Girls (National inquiry
into MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 174).
With the entirety of the report taken into consideration, the researchers for the inquiry
came together and created “Calls for Justice” in which it uses evidence provided earlier in the
inquiry to make recommendations to help end and redress the genocide of the Indigenous women
and girls, these recommendations were defined as legal imperatives (National inquiry into
MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 168). The report describes the “Calls for Justice” as legal

31
imperatives because the recommendations are not optional, they come from legal documents like
the Charter, Constitution and Human and Indigenous Rights laws (National inquiry into
MMIWG, volume 1a, 2019, pg. 168). In total, there were 231 Calls for Justice, broken down into
categories of who the Calls are targeted for:

Calls for Justice for All Governments

o

“Human and Indigenous Rights and
Governmental Obligations”,

o

“Culture”,

o

“Health and Wellness”,

o

“Human Security”

o

“Justice”

Calls for Justice: Industries,

o

Media and Social Influencers

Institutions, Services and

o

Health and Wellness Service
Providers

Partnerships:
o

Transportation service Providers and
the Hospitality Industry

o

Police Services

o

Attorneys and Law Societies

o

Educators

o

Social Workers and Those
Implicated in Child Welfare

o

Extractive and Development
Industries

32

Calls for All Canadians

●

15.1-15.8

Distinction Based Calls

o

Inuit-Specific Calls

o

Metis-Specific

o

2slgbtqqia-Specific

(National Inquiry, 2019, pg.176-186).
Clearly as provided above, the headlines discuss recommendations for specific groups of
people/bodies, and then recommendations provided by specific distinctions of the Indigenous
community. The purpose of this is for the inquiry to be as direct as possible, therefore closing
room for individuals or groups to detach themselves from the issue.
The inquiry has faced many different opinions in how it was conducted, why it was
conducted and even the content it has released. John Hansen and Emeka Dim discuss the
inquiry's choice to not include Indigenous men in the inquiry, although the Chief Commissioner
of the inquiry stated there is need for the inclusion of Indigenous men (Hansen and Dim, 2019,
pg. 1). Hansen and Dim (2019, pg. 1) discuss that there should be an inquiry that follows up
including all Indigenous people, women, men, boys, girls. The perspective being that the
separation of Indigenous females and males is a continuation of a colonialist strategy to divide
Indigenous people, and with the focus only on Indigenous women, there is a potential restriction
for communities to implement work to help due to infighting (Hansen and Dim, 2019, pg. 2).
The reason for the need of an all-inclusive inquiry, states Dim and Hansen (2019, pg. 2), is that
Indigenous males in Canada are at the highest risk of being victims of homicide .
Since the inquiry was released in 2019, the Government of Canada has received backlash
for the minimal amount of work that was completed. Since then, the government has stated that
they are;

33

●

Focusing on prevention

●

Ensuring Indigenous women’s voices are heard

●

Strengthening justice

●

Improving safety and security

●

Improving oversight and awareness

●

Violence prevention and victim support

●

Policing

●

Family and community support
Whilst this thesis does not have the space to focus directly on this issue, from reading the

“Actions taken by the Government of Canada since the launch of the inquiry”, it is clear that the
main actions of the government has been to budget money towards program lines that could help
MMIWG (Government of Canada, 2019, para.8). However, when reading over this page it very
clearly becomes that the Government of Canada is mainly flaunting their processes that were
started before the inquiry was released and does not directly address what has been completed
since (Government of Canada, 2019, para.8). The government has created documents providing
their support to MMIWG, and provided information on a national action plan, and federal
pathway that they are working on to address the systemic racism, sexism, ableism, and genderbased violence that affect the experience of Indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+
people (Government of Canada, 2021, section 3). However, many don’t feel as though the
government has fulfilled their promises or done enough effective work that directly helps the
Indigenous communities. In 2022, different agencies who advocate for MMIWG have criticized
the government for the lack of accountability and work done towards the national action plan

34
(Deer, 2022, para.3). Contributors to the national action plan like the National Family and
Survivors Circle have spoken out against the government due to the inaction and concerns
regarding the promises that were made yet not performed (Deer, 2022, para.3). It’s clear that
there is still work to be done, and accountability must be held by the Government. In the case of
MMIWG, inaction could mean the continued cycle of MMIWG, and a continuance of the
colonialist violence against Indigenous women and girls.
This chapter focuses on the production of the National Inquiry into Missing and
Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, and the actions the government have taken since it
came out. The National Inquiry brought to light a lot of the issues that Indigenous communities
have been expressing for decades and asks the Canadian public to listen and hold the government
accountable for the tragedies that have, and continue to, occur. The next chapter considers the
infamous Highway of Tears, or Highway 16 in Northern British Columbia and its position and
influence in the tragic cases of MMIWG that have occurred along it.

35
Highway of Tears
The Highway of Tears, or Highway 16, is located in British Columbia, running from
Prince Rupert to Prince George in Northern BC (Morton, 2016, pg.300). The highway is remote
and underserved and has been known for high levels of hitchhiking due to its long length and
lack of public transport (Morton, 2016, pg.300).
The Highway of Tears, also known as Highway 16 Travels 718 km from Prince Rupert to
Prince George in Northern BC, which in driving time is around 8 hours long (Trippy, n.d.). The
length of this highway is so vast that there are travel websites that recommend flying instead of
driving one end to the other (Trippy, n.d.). The highway is known for its remoteness, with large
areas of underdeveloped wilderness and sparsely populated communities (Morton, 2016,
pg.302). For the communities along the highway, the highway is the lifeline between the two
opposite cities at the end necessary for obtaining groceries, medicine, clothes, and work. Cell
reception along the highway is inconsistent, and there are only few rest areas or shelters for those
who need them (Morton, 2016, pg.302).
Due to the remoteness of the communities along the Highway of Tears, many Indigenous
women face extra boundaries than Indigenous women in the city may face. There is poverty,
unemployment, inadequate education opportunities which all contribute to social marginalisation
and increased risk of violence (Morton, 2016, pg.304). Along the Highway of Tears, RCMP have
identified 18 cases of murders and disappearances, with 10 being Indigenous, however the
Indigenous communities along the highway record over 40 of their community members have
gone missing or have been murdered (Johnson, 2020, pg.29). With these statistics in mind, it’s
important to understand the vast area of remote forest that Highway 16 is encompassed by.
Therefore, when taking into consideration the physical length between Prince Rupert and Prince

36
George which are the major cities that have access to medical health, schools, the major
shopping centres, more places for employment and other necessities one can consider the
isolation that some of the Indigenous communities’ face. Therefore, with long distances and
unreliable weather conditions, transportation becomes a necessity. However, the necessity of
transport like a car isn’t always accessible for communities that face high rates of poverty.
Therefore, to adapt many Indigenous communities may choose other contentious mobilities to
access their needs.
Contentious mobilities are types of mobilities that are seen as “bad”, or stigmatised in
society (Morton, 2016, pg.301). Hitchhiking is a prime example of contentious mobility, as it is
stigmatised and treated as undesirable, not used as a normalised mode of mobility in western
culture. Hitchhiking has a lack of dependence that auto-mobility flaunts, one must hitchhike into
a vehicle with another person to achieve their destination. Hitchhiking is seen as dangerous and a
mode of last resort (Morton, 2016, pg.301). Although stigmatised as socially unacceptable,
hitchhiking is common in Northern BC and especially along the Highway of Tears, and is
especially associated with MMIWG, with links of the stereotype that Indigenous women are seen
as risk takers, portraying undesirable behaviour and the relationship with hitchhiking as being an
undesirable and risky behaviour. The relationship between these two concepts in society are then
intertwined together with the idea of violence, with society linking risky behaviour and
undesirable mobility with violence. The point largely ignored in this relationship is the fact that
Indigenous women and girls tend to have a lack of access to other resources to use besides
hitchhiking.
In 2006, there was a “Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report” submitted
by different Indigenous councils and services with recommendations to the federal government

37
to bring awareness to the issues along the Highway of Tears (Highway of Tears Symposium
Recommendation Report, June 16, 2006, pg. 1). Even though this Symposium was submitted in
2006, there was speculation even then about the number of missing women along the highway,
with the RCMP recognizing 18, and the Indigenous groups recognizing over 30-50 (Highway of
Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, June 16, 2006, pg. 7). The reason for the
speculation and gap in the numbers of MMIWG along Highway 16 is due to the inconsistency in
the criteria of who is considered missing on the Highway of Tears by the RCMP, and by the
Highway of Tears Carrier Sekani Family Services (Highway of Tears Program, n.d).
In the Symposium, during the Situation Analysis portion, the investigation began into
why the Highway of Tears victims are mostly Indigenous, and also what the contributing factors
place the women on the highway (Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, June
16, 2006, pg. 16). Poverty is the first factor, understanding that poverty affects young indigenous
women immensely, and places them on the highway because there is no other mode of transport
(Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, 2006, pg. 16).
Along the Highway of Tears, many of the Indigenous communities are situated many
miles from towns and the cities at either end of the highway (Highway of Tears Symposium
Recommendation Report, June 16, 2006, pg. 17). Due to the isolation, small populations, and
low-income average there are little to no businesses, recreations of other services available to
help the community members (Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, June 16,
2006, pg. 17). Therefore, considering doctors’ appointments, groceries, clothing, school and
more there is a necessity for travel from these communities to the nearest area that has the
facilities, and transportation is something lacking in the Indigenous communities by far
(Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, June 16, 2006, pg. 17). Consider being

38
a youth in the isolated communities, and valuing sports or other social activities therefore
travelling to the events by whatever means available and necessary to get there (Highway of
Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, June 16, 2006, pg. 18).
There used to be a Greyhound bus service as the only transportation from Prince Rupert
to Prince George, only stopping for passenger pick-ups in towns and cities along the highway
(Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report, June 16, 2006, pg. 18). This service
was shut down in 2018 and replaced by a new bus service which runs from Prince George to
Burns Lake, and another bus route from Prince George and Smithers, however not all the way to
Prince Rupert, only covering 400km of the 715 km route (Stewart, 2017). Although these bus
routes are a positive sign, once again there are problems with the pick-up areas being in cities or
towns, and the bus routes running on alternate days (Stewart, 2017).
In 2018, the BC Bus North launched a bus service running from Prince George to Prince
Rupert, however only operating twice per week each way (BC Bus, N.D). However, when
attempting to book the bus ticket, from Prince George to Prince Rupert one way the fee is
$63.81, and the trip is 11 hours and 25 minutes long which is significantly longer than driving
and much more of a journey (BC Bus north, 2022). In good news, the smaller routes covering
400km of the highway are at a $5 cost, however residents still note that many are still hitchhiking
due to the time delays in waiting for the bus (Stewart, 2017).
The British Columbia Assembly of First Nations has created a map tool for viewers to
use to locate First Nations communities. I followed the Highway 16 from Prince George to
Prince Rupert, and counted 19 First Nation communities that sat along, or within reasonable
distance to Highway 16. These communities are found on this map provided below.

39

Source: Google Maps. (n.d..). Highway 16, British Columbia, Canada. Retrieved from
https://www.google.com/maps/search/highway+16/@53.5867633,-115.0873818,10z/data=!3m1!4b1

Considering there are two cost-effective routes, one from Prince George to Smithers, the
other Prince George to Burns Lake. The Prince George to Smithers route services 6 First Nations
communities. The Prince George to Burns Lake services 6. However, this is a generous count as
a majority of the counted communities do not live directly on the highway, and would need extra
transport back to their home. What this means, is that the cost-effective bus route in place only
serves 7/19, which is less than half, of the First Nations communities along the highway, twice a
week. This leaves the remaining 12 First Nations without accessible and affordable public
transport, struggling to reach necessities. Although this map is compact, the distance between the
Indigenous communities and towns is far. Therefore, hitchhiking becomes a mode of

40
transportation, as it may be the only way to reach the required destination for food, supplies,
clothing, education, or work.
Although there have been positive changes in the past twenty years, this highway is not
safe or usable for the Indigenous communities, and still to this day creates a space where
Indigenous women and girls are at risk. The next chapter focuses on the specific public
billboards that are found along the highway which are intended to help prevent MMIWG,
however are found to cause more harm than good.

41
Billboards
Billboards are large signs found in public places with the intention to portray information.
Billboards are especially prevalent in North America, being used to sell items, alert to public
knowledge, and in the case of the Highway of Tears, for warning. There are two types of
billboards found along highway 16, both with the intent to bring attention to caution of the
travellers.
Although the billboards were advocated by some Indigenous groups and have benefits of
raising awareness of MMIWG, they have received criticism around their purpose. The billboards
were proposed after the 2006 Missing and Murdered Women’s Symposium which had a
recommendation asking for billboards, which is a positive sign that they were placed (Morton,
2016, pg.316). However, when reading the recommendation, Katherine Morton reports that it
actually asks for a 1-800 number to be included on the billboards for “tips, leads and cellphone
numbers in the location of any female hitchhiker they encounter” (Morton, 2016, pg.316). The
recommendation also aims for the billboards to be used for “travelling public awareness”, which
means that the billboards should be speaking to the public, not the Indigenous population
travelling through (Morton, 2016, pg.316). However, the billboards placed instead target the
Indigenous women and girls, promoting awareness of the dangers of hitchhiking, instead of
promoting and supporting MMIWG. The switch of the narrative, and lack of solution to the
“problem” of hitchhiking is problematic, as it further indicates that the onus is on the Indigenous
women and girls not to hitchhike, and victim-blames them for their action. This also deepens the
notion that Indigenous women are at fault for their violence, and their “risky-behaviours” create
paths to their own end, that are leading them to be disposable.

42
Source: Fremson, Ruth. (2016). Dozens of Women Vanish on Canada’s Highway of Tears, and
Most Cases are Unsolved. New York Times.
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/25/world/americas/canada-indigenous-women-highway16.html
This is the first billboard found along the Highway of Tears, clearly displayed is the text
of “Girls Don’t Hitchhike on the Highway of Tears”, aimed at the Indigenous girls and women
with effort to put an end to hitchhiking. There is also a note that a “killer on the loose” with
pictures of victims of said killer or killers to warn the people/Indigenous girls and women that
this issue is real and present. This billboard is interesting because it has two narratives, one is
telling girls not to hitchhike on the highway, and another signifying there is a killer on the loose.
As discussed previously, the narrative is not what was intended in the recommendations of the
Symposium, the target audience for this billboard is at the Indigenous girls and women, not at the
general public like requested. This billboard’s key motive is to deter hitchhiking, and by
deterring hitchhiking the onus is put on the hitchhikers to be aware of the risk. The shift in
weight of blame is moved from the “killer” to the “victim” as the victim has become aware of the
societal blame on the action of hitchhiking, and how the action of hitchhiking itself is a “risk”
therefore by taking the “risk”, you then reap the consequences.
This contractual relationship between risk and consequence in hitchhiking is parallel to
the relationship between risk and violence seen in the disposability of Indigenous women and
girls. The consequence of violence or murder seen as a result from hitchhiking, is treated in the
same way that if you take drugs, when you overdose or have negative reactions in your personal
life due to addiction it is your own fault because you chose to partake in substance abuse.
However, in the comparison of overdosing, there is an understanding of addiction and mitigating

43
factors that encourage drug taking. That leeway doesn’t exist for Indigenous women and girls,
there is less of an understanding of the mitigating factors that may force, or encourage, one to
hitchhike, rather the underlying voice of societally deemed disposability runs underneath. This
lack of leeway for Indigenous peoples when it comes to tragedies like violence and substance
abuse has a racist undertone. As seen in the media, victims of overdose who are white are
portrayed as innocent, whereas Indigenous victims of overdose are ignored or stigmatised as
addicts (Johnston, 2019, pg.1).

Source: Fournier, Suzanne. (2007). Trying to put an end to the tears. Ottawa Citizen. Press
Reader. https://www.pressreader.com/canada/ottawa-citizen/20070222/281827164302235

This second billboard is the most problematic. First of all, the written words are similar to
the first billboard when discussing “Hitchhiking, Is it worth the Risk”, which directly speaks to
how Hitchhiking is deemed a contentious mobility and an action with an automatic consequence.
The question is almost passive aggressive, with the clear onus being placed on those who are
hitchhiking, which are the Indigenous women and girls.
Although it is not clear in the picture, there is a young, Indigenous girl, on the side of the
road with her thumb up in a hitchhiking position, facing a set of truck headlights on a quiet road.
Behind the girl is imagery of two spirits of women trying to push and pull the young girl away,
and there is imagery of crosses all the way down the highway signifying the others who have lost
their lives in the same situation. Then, there is writing saying “Ain’t worth the risk sister”, which
directly puts the blame onto the victim for hitchhiking and plays into this contractual relationship
that those who hitchhike will face a consequence. This relates back to the relationship with
Indigenous women being seen as devious, having a lack of impulse control and promiscuous, and

44
the stigma around hitchhiking being seen as undesirable. Therefore, these billboards are viewing
the relationship between MMIWG and hitchhiking as valid, and by stopping hitchhiking there
will be lower rates of MMIWG.
Although these billboards are problematic from the first glance, the real issue lays much
deeper below the surface. To begin, the billboards put the onus on the women, assuming that
they are choosing to live a “high risk” lifestyle and are choosing to hitchhike instead of using a
mobility that society deems as safer. This speaks to the notion of Indigenous women being
“willing victims” because they seek out deviance and then face violence, as society sees it as
coincidental rather than a tragedy (Morton, 2016. Pg.311). However, there is a lack of thought to
the high rates of poverty and inaccessibility to public mobility available to these women.
Therefore, the billboards are insinuating that the women should simply not hitchhike because it’s
dangerous without giving a second thought to the fact that there may not be another option. For
example, attempting to secure necessities, going to medical appointments, to access women’s
shelters and safety all take mobility, and when there is a lack of financial funds to secure private
transportation then the option is to walk, or hitchhike. This is without considering the conditions
of the road, the time of day and the temperatures.
The billboards are explaining that there is a relationship between hitchhiking and
violence, when in fact the relationship is actually between racism, gendered-violence, socioeconomic disparity, geographic isolation, and the lack of accessible mobility to obtain necessities
forcing women to hitchhike who unfortunately may face violence. However, the risk of violence
to obtain the necessities is worth it as going without food or medication for themselves or their
children is a much higher risk.

45
Katherine Morton discusses that these billboards leave off any other option, neither
billboard offers alternative forms of mobility, phone numbers for support or any suggestion how
to stay safe when travelling (Morton, 2016, pg.311). Once again, reiterating that the onus is on
the Indigenous women to not be devious or promiscuous and to obey the patriarchal societal
view and stop deviating by using contentious mobility. This in turn, puts the blame onto the
Indigenous women because they didn’t follow the billboards warnings, therefore when they die
it’s their own fault because they knew the risks of hitchhiking.
These billboards bring to reality the perspective of disposability in real-time. For
example, the billboards are a public use of media intended to inform the public about MMIWG,
however instead aim at deterring the risk of Hitchhiking, when the real risk is the attitudes of
disposability and lack of care for the Indigenous women and girls. The spinning of the narrative,
instead of informing the public, they remind the Indigenous women and girls that it’s their choice
to hitchhike, and by doing so they are creating the risk of murder for themselves.
The billboards publicly represent the disposability cycle in play, that the Indigenous
women hitchhike, are murdered, because they were murdered by hitchhiking, they should have
known better, and then instead of the blame being put on the murderer, the blame is put on the
action of hitchhiking. This is deflection and victim blaming at its finest. The next chapter uses
CPTED to help understand the physical risks that are present along the highway that fosters
space where MMIWG can occur and go unnoticed. The intention of using CPTED to highlight
weak areas is to give policymakers ideas of how they can play a part in keeping Indigenous
communities safe and preventing further cases of MMIWG.

46
CPTED & Geographic Isolation
CPTED, or Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design is a theory and field
commonly found within crime prevention, with the concept being to prevent crime through the
design of environments (Gibson, Johnson, 2016. Pg.256). The concept of CPTED has evolved
and branched out over time, with different theorists constructing new theories about prevention.
The goal of CPTED is to design areas that lead to a reduction for crime, which will then lead to a
reduction in fear and improvement of quality of life for the residents (Gibson, Johnson, 2016, pg.
257). CPTED is found in the planning of cities and buildings, with research being conducted to
see how environments promote crime, and what city planners can do to prevent it through
construction and maintenance (Gibson, Johnson, 2016, pg. 257). CPTED is a concept that is
worth looking at in relation to the Highway of Tears, as the physical environment of the
Highway of Tears is a key factor into how MMIWG is growing and prevalent in an
underpopulated area.
The term Defensible Space commonly used in Crime Prevention Through Environmental
Design (CPTED) is defined as “a residential environment whose physical characteristics –
building layout and site plan – function to allow inhabitants themselves to become key agents in
ensuring their security” (Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.394). There are 4 main characteristics to
Defensible Space, being territoriality, surveillance, image and milieu, geographical juxtaposition.
(Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.395). These four elements are necessary for a space to be defensible.
Territoriality describes how the building or area should have clear ownership by both symbolic
and real barriers (Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.395). Surveillance describes how the space must
provide opportunities for surveillance for and by residents using the building, found in the design
of the space (Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.395). Thirdly, Image and milieu discusses how the area

47
should be built to influence the perception of space, promoting clean, well-maintained, and wellordered places (Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.395). Finally, geographical juxtaposition, and
arguably the most relevant to the Highway of Tears, discusses how the surrounding space should
influence the security of the adjacent areas and vice versa (Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.395).
Together, these four elements work to promote a sense of ownership, community, and
responsibility that residents will feel secure and help maintain a safe, productive, and wellmaintained neighbourhood (Cozens & Lowe, 2015, pg.395).
With the use of defensible space, Newman discusses that areas will become livable and
controlled not by police, but by the community of people who share a common terrain (Cozens
& Lowe, 2015, pg.395). This idea of Defensible Space is what lacks along the Highway of tears
and in many areas inhabited by Indigenous communities. Due to the large area, and lack of
defensible space, there is a missing sense of security and safety provided by a lack of ownership,
a lack of surveillance and especially a lack of geographical juxtaposition where there is no
influence of security in the surrounding areas of the reservations. Given the Highway of Tears,
and the spaced-out towns, villages and cities bordering onto the large, forested highway, there is
so much space and hidden area that surveillance is somewhat impossible, and the area
surrounding the reservations have no influence of security due to the multiple exit strategies and
open areas.
Wekerle and Whitman defend that awareness of the environment, visibility by others and
finding help could be supported by using lighting, promoting sightlines, land-use and informative
signage could help reduce entrapment spots and movement predictors (Cozens & Lowe, 2015,
pg.395). By adding physical security, like lighting along the Highway of Tears as well as
sightlines in the road, these could prevent crime due to the surveillance opportunities by the

48
communities and the public passing along the highway. The point of a defensible space is to
“design out crime”, and due to the lack thereof, crime can occur unnoticed and is almost
promoted in these areas due to the opportunity and accessibility. With this aspect in mind, it is
clear to see the relationship to a lack of defensible space near the reservations and along the
Highway of Tears in relation to the MMIWG, especially when women and girls are left with no
option but to hitchhike to their destination, opportunities for crime appear apparent.
In the study “Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Initiative – Final Report: What
was shared” conducted by the Government of Alberta, the government collected research and
interviewed 575 Indigenous females from Alberta about their experiences and knowledge of
MMIWG and provide information on their worries and experiences (Justice and Solicitor
General, 2015, pg.40). Participants noted multiple themes related to geographic isolation as
being a key factor into MMIWG (Justice and Solicitor General, 2015, pg.40). Participants noted
inherent risk due to geographic isolation in First Nations communities (Justice and Solicitor
General, 2015, pg.40). This could be for numerous reasons, considering a lack of resources close
forcing extended travel for essentials like food, clothing, doctors’ appointments, and work.
Risk increases as police response takes a longer time, currently this is trying to be fixed
by the RCMP putting detachments or having on-reservation local police force. However, this is
not the case for all communities, and costs a lot of money and manpower to run.
Bad weather limits access in and out of the communities, increasing feelings of
isolation. These feelings of isolation are reported to be a key factor in “high risk behaviours”,
reasonably as people consider the need to “get out” and may choose walking late at night or
hitchhiking as last-resort ideas.

49
Isolated communities have limited supports, therefore the need to exit the community
grows continuously as residents are forced to go elsewhere for their needs. Lack of affordable
and accessible transportation means community members take risks like hitchhiking or walking
alone at night. Existing supports are strained, poverty, wage discrepancy leads to vulnerability
for women. Poverty increases likelihood of high-risk behaviours due to strain, limits basic safety
precautions like a working cell phone (Justice and Solicitor General, 2015, pg.40). Community
members reported: lack of payphones, wanting a community neighbourhood watch, better
lighting, more police, surveillance cameras, educational material (Justice and Solicitor General,
2015, pg.75). The participants were asked for ideas that could increase safety and decrease
MMIWG in their communities, the results were:
Ideas for: safe rides, foot patrols, neighbourhood watch, peacemakers’ program, self-defence,
community welcome wagon (Justice and Solicitor General, 2015, pg.76).
Along the 718 km highway, there are only Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP)
stations. The stations being in Prince Rupert, Terrace, Smithers, Granisle, Burns Lake,
Vanderhoof, Fort St James, New Hazelton, and Prince George (Google Maps, n.d.). New
Hazelton, which is located below Glen Vowell services 9 communities, with 8 of them being
mainly Indigenous (Google Maps, n.d). From New Hazelton detachment to Gitwangak, Google
maps estimates with good weather it would be a 31-minute drive (Google Maps, n.d). This is the
reality for many Indigenous communities, where the closest police station is over 30 minutes
away, which may not serve the immediate need of a dire situation (Google Maps, n.d).
Therefore, the Indigenous communities are valid in their fears of slow response times from
police services, as even if there is no hold up and available officers, there may not be officer
presence for over 30 minutes. Therefore, by using Defensible space along the Highway of Tears

50
to aid in prevention and protection of the communities, there would be another barrier of safety
before the first responders could arrive.
Although the study used in this chapter was conducted in Alberta, and the Highway of
Tears is in British Columbia, the study gives insight into the experience of MMIWG from a
personal view, not just an academic view. By understanding individuals' experiences, worries
and recommendations, academics, policy makers and government officials can use the ideas to
help provide a safe space for their citizens. It is clear that Defensible Space would be useful and
beneficial along the Highway of Tears to aid in the prevention of more cases of MMIWG and
create a sense of support and safety for the Indigenous communities which are isolated. Although
911 response timings are hard to predict, even when considering the minimum 31 minutes of
driving time, by creating a defensible space there is opportunity for citizens to request and
receive help on a timelier basis, whilst also preventing crime down the road. Defensible space is
essential for areas that have vulnerable communities as it acts as a primary protection and could
save lives.

51
Conclusions
The research provided in this thesis has demonstrated the relationship between MMIWG
and disposability that has been forged by colonialism. It has affected Indigenous women and
girls along the Highway of Tears who have been victimised for decades.
The relationship between attitudes of disposability towards Indigenous women
and girls started over a hundred years ago, influenced by the influx of colonisation and
patriarchy. The effects of this are ongoing and are seen to this day with the attitudes of
disposability provided by law enforcement, the government and the media. The effects of
disposability seep into the livelihoods of Indigenous women and girls, and systematically create
space for them to face violence and victimization. The cyclical relationship between
disposability and MMIWG leads to societal victim-blaming for Indigenous women living highrisk lifestyles thereby being ignored by law enforcement and thus, the violence perpetuates.
On a larger scale, this equation is shown with the billboards that are present in the case
study of the Highway of Tears. Instead of creating a safe number or advocacy for the past
MMIWG, and current Indigenous women and girls who live along the highway, they instead
victim-blame the violence back onto the Indigenous women by pinpointing the hitchhiking as the
problem, rather than the disposability fuelled by society and colonisation.
The application of CPTED reveals that the Highway of Tears is lacking many necessary
physical elements that design out crime. By having more physical barriers, the violence against
Indigenous women and girls may be deterred with crime being easier to spot by locals, and there
being primary resources available to help people in need. There are lacking vantage points and
basic safety structures like 911 phone boxes, stable internet, and phone services. Considering that
Highway 16 is already unfavourable due to unpredictable weather, long distance and lack of

52
accessible public transportation, it lacks defensible space that could deter violence around its
surroundings. A thorough CPTED analysis of the Highway of Tears reinforces the relationship
between the Attitudes of Disposability imposed on the Indigenous women and girls by continued
colonialism and the patriarchy, thereby continuously putting them in a marginalized position of
victimization and violence.
Throughout the research I have conducted, I believe that there should be an updated
federal document to the 2019 Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous women, and
accountability for the calls for justice that have not been completed. Also, another look at the
Symposium recommendations from 2006, and attention given to Highway 16 to create a safer
space for the 17 Indigenous communities who live along it.

53
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