Environmental Challenges 13 (2023) 100770

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Environmental Challenges
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/envc

Residents’ waste management practices in a developing country: A social
practice theory analysis
Anh Thu Nguyen a, *, Nhan Nguyen b, Phuong Phung b, Nguyễn Yến-Khanh c
a

Mount Royal University, 4825 Mt Royal Gate SW, Calgary, AB T3E 6K6
RMIT University Vietnam, 702 Nguyen Van Linh boulevard, District 7, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
c
Erasmus University Rotterdam, Burgemeester Oudlaan 50, 3062 PA, Rotterdam, the Netherlands
b

A R T I C L E I N F O

A B S T R A C T

Keywords:
Social practice theory
Residents
Waste management
Waste behaviours
Developing country
Vietnam

Waste management has become a growing concern globally and caused rising environmental costs in developing
countries. The efficiency of a waste management system depends on many factors, including residents’ waste
management practices and a governmental commitment to sustainable waste management. This study employs
the social practice theory to qualitatively examine residents’ perspectives on waste management in the context of
Vietnam as a developing country where a massive portion of plastic waste originates from household disposal.
The research involves conducting twelve focus groups in five different research locations, including two largest
cities and three coastal and marine protected areas. Data analysis is performed using inductive and deductive
coding principles and an interpretivist approach. The findings reveal residents’ classification of sustainable and
unsustainable waste management practices, and the factors that facilitate or impede sustainable waste man­
agement practices from residents’ perspectives. According to residents, while adequate technical infrastructures
can facilitate sustainable waste management practices, it is the social context that motivates or demotivates and
can mould a practice into a habit. The study therefore provides useful implications for sustainable waste man­
agement systems that would require the government’s effective leadership and coordination of technical in­
frastructures as well as the orchestral efforts from involved social institutions, including families, communities,
businesses, formal and informal waste sectors, and social organisations.

1. Introduction

behaviours are influenced by policies, infrastructure, and culture
(Breukelman et al., 2019; Bui et al., 2020; Pietzsch et al., 2017),
different countries present different problems, perceptions, and behav­
iours. Due to the complication of external factors, individual residents
do not entirely control their behaviours and practices (Phulwani et al.,
2021). Hence, it is necessary to identify the factors shaping residents’
waste management practices from their perspectives (Chaudhary et al.,
2021).
Previous studies on waste management in developing countries have
examined a range of topics, mostly focusing on urban waste manage­
ment practices (e.g., Azevedo et al., 2021; Breukelman et al., 2019;
Chowdhury et al., 2020; Debrah et al., 2021; Kulkarni, 2020; Serge
Kubanza and Simatele, 2020). As earlier indicated by Wilson (2007), the
complication of waste management systems is often high in developing
countries for several technical and cultural reasons, but their waste
sectors still have a heavy concentration on waste collection and removal
rather than a holistic waste management approach. Moreover, waste

In recent years, there has been a strong scholarly interest in waste
management issues, due to the exponential increase of solid waste
generated across developed and developing countries (Bui et al., 2020).
It is estimated that the annual global waste volume will increase to 3.40
billion tons by 2050 (Kaza et al., 2018). Research has shown that waste,
especially waste flowing in bodies of water, has caused huge costs to the
economy and human welfare (Beaumont et al., 2019).
There is a growing research body on waste disposal worldwide (e.g.,
Brennan and Portman, 2017; Brouwer et al., 2017; Fasihi and Parizadi,
2021; Finnegan and Gouramanis, 2021; Istrate et al., 2020; Shen et al.,
2019). Most studies on waste management are situated in developed
countries (e.g., Almosa et al., 2017; Chaudhary et al., 2021; Ferronato
and Torretta, 2019; Goncalves et al., 2014; Merli et al., 2018; Moraes
et al., 2021) whereas this issue in developing countries has been
increasingly critical (Cetrulo et al., 2018). Because waste management
* Corresponding author.
E-mail address: anguyen@mtroyal.ca (A.T. Nguyen).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envc.2023.100770
Received 3 June 2023; Received in revised form 25 September 2023; Accepted 26 September 2023
Available online 27 September 2023
2667-0100/© 2023 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/bync-nd/4.0/).

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Environmental Challenges 13 (2023) 100770

studies in developing countries are fragmented and do not describe the
current state from residents’ perspectives (Bui et al., 2020). For instance,
in Vietnam, previous studies span across different topics, such as waste
policy (e.g., Hoang and Fogarassy, 2020; Xuan Son, 2021), waste gen­
eration from consumption (e.g., Liu et al., 2021; Nguyen et al., 2021;
Pham Phu et al., 2018; Su et al., 2021), urban waste management (e.g.,
Chau et al., 2020; Tsai et al., 2021) and marine waste (e.g., Kerber and
Kramm, 2021; Xuan Son, 2021). Two recent emerging themes in
Vietnam-based studies are plastic waste (e.g., Hahladakis, 2020;
Khuyen et al., 2021) and municipal waste (e.g., Khuc et al., 2023; Tsai
et al., 2020). Findings from these studies propose sustainable waste
management solutions from the government with active involvement
from residents. The paradox is that waste solutions are often put in
implementation without adequate input from residents (Yukalang et al.,
2018). Since sustainable waste management practices are becoming
critical for ensuring the quality of life for residents (Nguyen et al., 2020;
Salhofer et al., 2021), research collecting in-depth narrative data about
the complexity of residents’ waste practices and factors shaping their
waste practices will provide practical insights.
This research is situated in Vietnam as a developing country grap­
pling with rising waste issues. With a growing urban population at
40.4% in 2021 and a lack of effective waste management policies and
infrastructure (Chau et al., 2020; Hoang and Fogarassy, 2020; Tien et al.,
2019), Vietnam generates 15 million tons waste per year (MONRE,
2019), with a significant contribution from its two largest cities, Ho Chi
Minh City and Hanoi (Anh and Hung, 2020). The country is the fourth
largest contributor to plastic pollution in the oceans (Jambeck et al.,
2015). Coupled with the citizens’ low environmental awareness, waste
management systems are inadequate, making waste too complicated a
problem to solve (Kerber and Kramm, 2021; Tsai et al., 2020). Although
there are efforts to improve waste management, a gap remains in waste
management systems in different regions of the country (Tsai et al.,
2021). Waste management practices from residents’ perspectives are
therefore worth exploring.

follows: First, the condition for carrying out an action (e.g., waste
disposal) is referred to as a situation. For instance, in order that a person
can dispose of waste properly, there should be adequate technical
infrastructure as an essential enabler. Second, the person engaged in this
situation takes part in a practice (e.g., waste disposal practices). Third,
habit will be shaped when a person undertakes a practice repeatedly,
reflecting how social structures are embodied in individuals in the form
of trained capacities for specific actions (Wacquant, 2016). To elaborate,
in order that individuals form a habit of waste sorting, there must be
social conditions for them to sort waste so repeatedly that waste sorting
becomes normalised habits over time. Thus, SPT can explain how waste
management behaviours are conducted, repeated, and reinforced. As
reported by Reckwitz (2002), SPT has been used to explore sustainable
behaviours in specific social contexts, such as energy conservation (e.g.,
Du and Pan, 2021; Labanca, and Bertoldi, 2018; Sonnberger and Gross,
2018). Nonetheless, SPT has been underutilised in studies on waste
disposal behaviours.
According to Marshall and Farahbakhsh (2013), a holistic approach
is needed to embrace sociocultural, environmental, economic and
technical aspects of waste management systems and hence a knowledge
of residents’ perceptions and perspectives towards waste and waste
management is essential. Previous studies have shown that under­
standing residents’ waste management behaviours in their specific so­
ciocultural contexts is crucial for effective waste solutions (Petts, 2001;
Yukalang et al., 2018). Moreover, qualitative studies are necessary to
gain a deeper understanding of residents’ waste experiences and how
they are influenced by factors such as living conditions and waste
infrastructure (Bui et al., 2020). This study applies the SPT approach to
gather qualitative input from residents about their perspectives on waste
disposal behaviours in their sociocultural contexts, thereby gaining an
in-depth understanding of the external conditions affecting their waste
management behaviours. We aim to answer the following question: How
do technical infrastructures and social institutions shape residents’
waste management practices?

2. Theoretical framework

3. Materials and methods

A systematic review by Raghu and Rodrigues (2020) shows that in­
dividual behaviour theories have been widely adopted in waste man­
agement behaviour studies. Whilst individual behaviour theories such as
Theory of Planned Behaviour and Theory of Reasoned Action are often
extended to include more variables, research findings are limited to only
reporting whether and to what extent such proposed individual behav­
iour models can increase the predictive validity (Raghu and Rodrigues,
2020). From a practical perspective, individual behaviours are influ­
enced by not only personal characteristics but technical infrastructure
and social factors as well. Even if individuals hold positive values and
attitudes on waste management or sustainable consumption, the
shortage of the external factors such as policy, regulation, technical
infrastructure, and social context will create a gap between values, at­
titudes and behaviours (ElHaffar et al., 2020; Groening et al., 2018;
Joshi and Rahman, 2015). From a theoretical perspective, social
behavioural theories are underrepresented in waste-related research
(Raghu and Rodrigues, 2020). Furthermore, the dearth of qualitative
research may lead to a shortage of findings that can offer insights from
research subjects themselves.
The Social Practice Theory (SPT), which was originally proposed by
Bordieu (1977) posits that practice is a routine behaviour as the outcome
of activities (Reckwitz, 2002). The works of Schatzki (1996) and Reck­
witz (2002) further developed the SPT by integrating the structuration
theory of Giddens (1984) about the role of routines in everyday life and
social systems. Hence, SPT allows researchers to focus on any practice in
separation or in combination (Du and Pan, 2021). In light of SPT, waste
management behaviours are the results of technical infrastructure and
social structures inherent in individuals’ waste practices (Warde, 2005).
Città et al. (2019) summarise the explanatory structure of the SPT as

3.1. The research sites
For this study, we selected five locations in Vietnam, including Hanoi
in the North, Ho Chi Minh city in the South and three coastal provinces Nam Dinh in the North, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen in the Centre, and Phu Quoc
Island in the South (see Fig. 1). Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh city are the two
largest cities of Vietnam and listed amongst the 15 most polluted cities
in Southeast Asia (International Trade Administration US, 2022). As of
2022, Hanoi hosts 8435,650 people whilst Ho Chi Minh city is the home
of 9389,720 people (General Statistics Office of Vietnam, 2022). On the
other hand, Vietnam has a coastline of 3260 kms (Vietnam Embassy in
the US, n.d.) and is known as a country with a longer coastline and poor
waste management system, which is more likely to wash plastic into the
oceans (Meijer et al., 2021). Therefore, we also wanted to collect
narrative data on waste practices from those residing in provinces along
the coastline. Nam Dinh, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen and Phu Quoc Island are
classified as Coastal and Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in Vietnam,
which are threatened by various ecosystem change drivers (Brooks et al.,
2015), including fast-paced economic expansion (Khuu et al., 2023).
Vietnamese MPAs are governed for the purpose of conserving biodi­
versity while improving the livelihood of the local population (Börger
et al., 2021). Hence, a relative level of representativeness of the country
was achieved, given the inclusion of residents from metropolitan and
coastal provinces in three regions of the country, which can provide
insights on waste management from diverse perspectives and
experiences.

2

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Environmental Challenges 13 (2023) 100770

Fig. 1. Research Locations.

3.2. Methods

office workers (72%) and self-employed (28%).

The study gained institutional ethics approval prior to data collec­
tion. We used focus groups to collect narrative data because focus groups
allow a free sharing of opinions in small groups of participants (Saun­
ders, 2019). Furthermore, focus groups enable interactions between
participants to reveal perceptions and personal understanding which
would be otherwise untapped in survey questionnaires or one-on-one
interviews (Kitzinger, 1995).
Research participants were recruited according to three criteria.
They must be (1) over 18 years old, (2) living continuously for over 12
months in the research locations, and (3) currently residing in the
research locations at the time of the interview. Age was used to organise
focus groups to give the comfort of exchanging opinions with peers.
There were six to ten participants in each focus group lasting between
two hours and two hours and thirty-five minutes. Twelve focus groups
were conducted: three in Ho Chi Minh City (total 18 participants), three
in Hanoi (total 18 participants), and two in each of three coastal prov­
inces - Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen (total 17 participants), Nam Dinh (total 20
participants), Phu Quoc (total 19 participants). Focus groups were
audio-recorded and transcribed with participants’ signed consent. In
total, there were 92 participants, of which almost two-thirds were fe­
male (63%). There was a relatively even distribution of participants
across age groups – 18–25 years old group (18.25%), 26–35 years old
(20.65%), 36–45 years old (20.74%), 46–55 years old (19.57%) and
over 55 (19.57%). Most provincial participants were working in farming
(42%) and fishing (51%) whereas those from the two largest cities were

3.3. Data analysis
Clean data was first imported into NVivo software for coding and
theme development. Six steps of analysis were undertaken: (1) the data
were preliminarily explored through several readings of the transcripts;
(2) transcribed interviews were checked by initial screening, using word
cloud, tree map, and cluster analysis; (3) data were auto-coded by NVivo
software to inductively identify the most prominent themes; (4) themes
were then developed deductively based on thematic questioning linked
directly to research questions; (5) triangulation of data were achieved by
a cross-check of developed themes across multiple transcripts/sources;
(6) finally, content analysis was conducted to confirm the themes (Ayres
et al., 2003). Two peer researchers in our team conducted independent
analyses and a debrief was used to compare and finalise the results for
reporting.
4. Results
The structural thematic map is given in Fig. 2. Based on this thematic
map, four main themes and their sub-themes were deducted from NVivo
for interpretation (see Table 1).
The results are presented based on the four main themes arising from
residents’ reflections: (1) sustainable waste management practices, (2)
unsustainable waste management practices, (3) technical infrastructure,
and (4) social institutions. In accordance with the SPT and residents’
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Environmental Challenges 13 (2023) 100770

Fig. 2. Structural Thematic Map.

perceptions, the technical infrastructure encompasses waste manage­
ment infrastructure, regulations, and knowledge base, whereas social
institutions shape the social situation in which waste management
practices occur. The findings highlight the interplay between the main
themes.

We try to keep waste to the minimum. At home, my family gathers
waste in separate bins. We put organic waste into a green bin and
plastic and paper in a black bin for reselling. (Female, Tuy Hoa-Phu
Yen)
Participants often reused or sold plastic bottles to ve chai (a scrap
trader who buys and resells tradeable waste items such as paper, old
magazines and newspapers, cardboard, metal cans, and plastic bottles).
From participants’ experience, plastic bags and other single-use plastics
were regarded as end-of-life plastic waste and thus thrown away to end
up in landfills. Noteworthily, more than half of participants expressed a
high level of motivation for reselling plastic trash due to financial
saving, for instance:

4.1. Sustainable waste management practices
Participants classified sustainable and unsustainable waste man­
agement practices mainly based on environmental and economic im­
pacts. According to more than 90% of participants, sustainable waste
management practices can reduce the impacts of waste economically
and environmentally. Whilst they mentioned waste collection, waste
sorting, waste reduction, reusing and reselling as sustainable waste
practices, two thirds of participants referred to their own effort sorting
waste in their home, for example:

We often reuse plastic bottles to contain liquids like water or homemade milk. That can save me money buying containers. (Female, Ho
Chi Minh city)

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A.T. Nguyen et al.

participants residing in coastal areas expressed their frustration with
littering. One participant noted:

Table 1
Thematic Summary (extracted from NVivo).
Theme and Sub-theme

Files/
Sources

References

Sustainable waste management practices
Waste sorting
Waste reduction
Waste collection
Reusing
Reselling
Unsustainable waste management practices
Public littering
Waste burning
Plastic waste dumping
Dumping waste into bodies of water (river, canal,
sea)
Non-sorting
Technical infrastructures
Waste bins
Waste trucks
Waste collectors
Waste treatment facility
Landfill
Incinerators
Waste regulations
Waste education programs
Social institutions
Family
Neighbours
Community
Government
Waste authorities
Manufacturers
Informal waste collectors
Other social organisations

10
7
7
7
6
7
10
8
8
9
6

108
35
13
31
16
13
153
42
19
52
33

6
12
7
6
10
6
6
6
11
11
52
11
6
10
10
9
8
9
6

9
233
29
17
35
22
22
13
32
63
317
57
19
64
57
37
40
14
29

People go to the beach and eat there, throwing away plastic bags and
bottles. Tourists from other areas are even worse, they do not care
because this is not their land. Their leftover waste is swept into the
sea, causing severe pollution to the marine ecosystem. (Female, Tuy
Hoa-Phu Yen)
More than ten participants who lived in a fishing community
emphasised the serious environmental and economic consequences of
waste dumping in bodies of water, saying:
When waste enters the sea, it decomposes and damages the ocean’s
ecosystem as well as its creatures. Waste can also reduce food sources
for fish, causing direct and indirect deaths to the fish, and finally
damage sea economies. (Male, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen)
We’ve been experiencing hardship in our fishing economy due to sea
pollution. People are concerned about fish quality, and we cannot
sell the fish we catch at the price we want. (Male, Phu Quoc)
Thirty-six participants representing two major cities, however,
experienced another type of littering dilemma arising from inadequate
social responsibility and public negligence. They said:
People complain all the time about the locations of public waste bins.
When we put public waste bins in front of Ms. A’s house, she com­
plains and asks to move the bins because of the trash smell. We move
the waste bins to Ms. B’s house, and it ends up in front of Ms. A’
house eventually. (Female, Hanoi)
People are selfish in this matter. We cannot evenly distribute waste
bins in our district and residents are forced to go a long way to throw
trash. Many choose to leave trash in public places, causing a serious
littering situation. (Male, Ho Chi Minh city)

I resell plastic bottles, old magazines and newspapers to ve chai.
Sometimes, when we have parties at home, we often keep beer cans
for reselling to ve chai. So, trash is money. (Male, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen)

In addition to non-sorting, waste dumping into bodies of water, and
littering, other unsustainable waste practices were identified as waste
burning (due to lack of waste collection infrastructure) and plastic waste
dumping (due to plastic overconsumption). All participants knew that
the indiscriminate disposal of plastic waste into the environment was
causing the most adverse environmental problem, but they admitted
that they did little to reduce their plastic waste except for reusing and
reselling plastic trash to ve chai.

One-third of participants even said they would always wait for ve chai
to get some money from their tradeable waste. However, their efforts to
reduce waste were limited only to plastic bottles, paper and sometimes
metal cans that they could resell for a salvage value.
4.2. Unsustainable waste management practices
Regarding unsustainable waste management practices, the promi­
nent focus was littering. Participants believed that the government
should be held responsible for managing littering. They stated, “Vietnam
is a developing country, and the government does not have clear regu­
lations on littering.” (Male, Hanoi), and as a consequence, “part of the
population may feel free to litter” (Female, Ho Chi Minh city). None­
theless, one-fifth of participants held strong opinions about the reasons
for littering and attributed littering to eroding social responsibility. This
minority expressed a strong voice against littering whereas the others
showed a neutral stance. One of the most vocal opinions is:

4.3. Technical infrastructure
Participants stressed the importance of adequate technical in­
frastructures to ensure sustainable waste disposal. According to them,
essential components of the technical infrastructure included waste
collection bins, trucks, and collectors. Interviewed coastal residents
confessed that they frequently burnt their household waste due to a lack
of waste infrastructure,
There are not enough waste trucks and collectors in our area. We
cannot leave our waste in the house forever. I often burn my home
waste and rake the ground after every burn. (Male, Phu Quoc).

Many people are aware of the environmental issues of littering but
they still litter. Some are highly educated and even have university
degrees. They know the law but always break the law because they
don’t have any sense of social responsibility. They never spend time
learning about waste management practices. I often see people leave
their household waste in public places. What is worse, when they see
others litter, they end up littering because they think litter is socially
accepted. Bad behaviours and habits are contagious like a virus
(Female, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen)

When asked where their waste would go to, more than half of par­
ticipants favoured landfills, whilst only one third preferred waste
burning in incinerators. Only five participants stressed the need for a
holistic approach to waste treatment, stating:
Burying waste in landfills is a temporary solution and burning it
creates air pollution. The best way is to have advanced waste treat­
ment facilities that manage waste in an environmentally friendly
manner. (Female, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen)

Notably, all participants talked about seeing other people litter, but
none shared their own littering experiences even though the facilitator
probed them. In their opinion, littering was a public issue and trash
dumping in bodies of water was the most alarming waste issue. All

Overall, the focus groups disclosed a heavy focus on waste collection
and removal but there was a small segment of participants who recog­
nized the need for a holistic approach to waste management. Despite
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Environmental Challenges 13 (2023) 100770

being unaware of the know-how, they expressed an intention to finan­
cially contribute to a holistic waste management system through an
environmental tax scheme.

Interestingly, ve chai (scrap traders) were perceived to be highly
influential on household disposal behaviours, particularly waste sorting
and waste reduction. Participants agreed that they shaped the habit of
sorting home waste for reselling because of ve chai, for example:

4.4. Social institutions

We wait to sell our trash to ve chai. To us, they serve as informal
waste collectors. (Female, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen).

In terms of the social institutions that involve waste disposal, par­
ticipants identified eight actors. Firstly, in their perceptions, home waste
management would be a feminine task. Vietnam was still heavily pa­
triarchal and thus, women were expected to be responsible for home
waste management, including waste gathering, sorting and educating
family members about sustainable disposal practices, as one participant
summarised:

The next social factor identified in the waste system was the manu­
facturer. All participants considered manufacturers to be waste gener­
ators and expressed frustration towards manufacturers’ excessive use of
plastic:
Manufacturers rely too heavily on plastic packaging. We consumers
cannot reduce plastic waste if manufacturers keep producing it.
(Male, Hanoi)

Women must be responsible for household waste disposal because
they are home makers. In my family, that is the job of my wife. (Male,
Hanoi)

All participants felt that they had little power as consumers to make
choices to reduce plastic consumption and demanded that the manu­
facturer reduce plastic production.
On a positive note, two thirds of participants praised social organi­
sations for the increasing involvement in educating resident commu­
nities about waste issues and waste management:

Many male participants agreed but added that they might help when
necessary.
Secondly, participants said that neighbours and resident commu­
nities played impactful roles in shaping waste disposal practices. They
shared that others’ waste practices did affect their own; for example, two
thirds of participants reported giving up on waste sorting after seeing
their neighbours litter carelessly or never sort waste. When asked about
reporting such non-compliance behaviours to authorities, more than
90% of participants were reluctant, quoting face-saving culture as the
reason for not taking any action. They stated:

In my area, such social organisations as the Women’s Association and
Youth League are doing an excellent job in running local campaigns
to activate community involvement in waste management. I learn
enough from them about environmental issues to change my waste
disposal habits. (Female, Nam Dinh)
Some participants even shared:

I never report non-compliance cases to the local authority. They are
my neighbours, and I must save face for them. (Female, Nam Dinh).

Most government programs are just political propaganda which
bring no effect to change the waste situation in our community. We
prefer to get involved in environmental activities organised by social
organisations. (Female, Ho Chi Minh city)

Notably, there were intense discussions on the practices of those
residents who live near the waterway, such as:
Residents who live near the river often throw their household waste
into the river and we do not see any social awareness campaign or
propaganda or policy to address this problem. Some people are
aware of the waste situation, and they go a far distance just to end up
throwing their waste into the river that is far from their home. We are
disappointed that the local authority does nothing to stop it. (Male,
Tuy Hoa- Phu Yen)

In short, the discussions revealed that social institutions set norms
and expectations that might mould waste management practices in a
positive or negative direction. Whilst participants admitted reducing
effort to sort and reduce waste due to non-compliant neighbours, they
would expect other social institutions such as the government, social
organisations, family, and resident communities to motivate and sup­
port their compliance behaviours.

In the last pig epidemic, some people even dumped dead pigs into the
river. We suspect that those who live upstream of the river will dump
anything into the water, and those who live downstream have to
suffer. (Male, Nam Dinh)

5. Discussion
According to the interview data, residents classify sustainable waste
management practices primarily based on environmental and economic
impacts and very few placed an emphasis on public health consequences
of waste. On the one hand, this finding echoes past research that in­
dicates the focus on the environmental and economic aspects of waste
management in developing countries (Wilson, 2007). On the other hand,
it is inconsistent with prior studies emphasising human health problems
caused by waste disposal and treatment (Chaudhary et al., 2022; Istrate
et al., 2020). For instance, as reported by Chaudhary et al. (2022),
emissions from waste burning bring about a huge amount of air pollu­
tion causing serious health problems. It seems that residents in this study
take health effects of waste very lightly.
First, interviewed residents show consensus on the classification of
sustainable and unsustainable waste management practices. Two thirds
of them reported efforts around waste sorting. This finding is dissimilar
to a recent Vietnam survey reporting that only 38.63% of respondents
sort waste at home (Khuc et al., 2023). Nonetheless, more than half of
residents in this study show a rather weak attitude towards waste sorting
as they find it too hard to make waste sorting a habit in their daily life.
There were excuses such as time, inadequate infrastructure and
non-compliance of others. That helps explain why residents give up on
waste sorting when seeing others dump all sorts of waste into the same
bin. Furthermore, residents expressed a short-term orientation in waste

Thirdly, participants stressed the role of the government in
addressing waste management issues. They called for the government to
take a more proactive role in providing waste infrastructure and
personnel, waste regulations and educational initiatives to raise public
awareness. Technical knowledge base about waste management was
perceived critical as this knowledge might impact their self-efficacy.
Participants also complained that there was an absence of environ­
mental focus in the formal education system run by the government.
People are not aware of littering consequences because the existing
education system by the government fails to teach children about
this. (Male, Tuy Hoa-Phu Yen)
The government must provide waste education programs to give us
technical knowledge about how to dispose of waste properly. How
can they expect everyone to dispose of waste properly? (Female, Ho
Chi Minh City)
Whilst coastal residents placed more emphasis on regulations, those
in major cities insisted that waste education programs were more
important. They believed such programs were crucial in improving their
technical knowledge base and thus self-efficacy, without which no
behavioural change could be activated and retained.
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Environmental Challenges 13 (2023) 100770

reduction effort as they were motivated by immediate impacts such as
economic savings (i.e., reselling for money) rather than a moral sense for
environmental protection. Our findings thus contrast with previous
reporting that moral obligation influences residents’ intention to sort
waste (Shen et al., 2019). In our study, immediate direct benefits of
waste sorting prevail whilst the sense of moral duty is absent in all focus
groups.
Second, regarding unsustainable waste management practices,
interviewed residents think that littering originates from a lack of social
responsibility. The literature reports that public awareness of littering is
low in developing countries (Singer et al., 2019). Many residents in this
study, however, feel that blame must be attributed to the government for
not having effective regulations. Their perceptions may be based on the
inherent thinking in part of the population that assumes developing
countries are more lenient in terms of environmental law enforcement;
or at some extreme, law guidelines do not even exist (Serge Kubanza and
Simatele, 2020). This contextual factor was previously found to have a
significant impact on the sense of responsibility for litter in residents of
developing countries (Lissah et al., 2021) and still resonates with our
study.
Additionally, prior research shows that social norms influence lit­
tering (Almosa et al., 2017). Littering seems to be socially accepted
(Hansmann and Steimer, 2015) as people do not make litterers
accountable. This explains why interviewed residents hold “follow the
crowd” perceptions about public littering as it is perceived as a public
issue but not a personal responsibility. This may reflect the concept of
public negligence (Sewak et al., 2021), which is attributable to a lack of
personal responsibility, which seems to pervade across all the focus
groups.
Third, our study shows that a knowledge base and waste regulations
are considered indispensable components of the technical infrastruc­
ture. Our findings reflect previous research stating that ineffective waste
management results from the lack of waste regulations (Serge Kubanza
and Simatele, 2020) and the failure to provide technical infrastructure
(Abdul Aziz et al., 2019; Almosa et al., 2017). Waste education programs
are considered by interviewed residents to be a major part of the tech­
nical infrastructure needed to enforce waste regulations and facilitate
compliance behaviours. Without the technical knowledge about waste
management, residents do not know how to dispose of waste properly
and consequently cannot form the basis for practice.
Fourth, according to interviewed residents, although technical
infrastructure is essential in ensuring proper waste management prac­
tice, it is the social situation that is more impactful on their waste
disposal practices. For example, ve chai (scrap dealers) are mentioned as
influential waste collectors encouraging residents’ waste reduction
effort. Ve chai is referred to as informal waste workers by United Nations
Vietnam (Weina and Nguyen, 2020). In fact, the plastic recycling pro­
cess in Vietnam is reliant on informal waste collection channels (Sal­
hofer et al., 2021). The role of informal actors in waste management
systems has been highlighted in BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China,
South Africa (Gonçalves et al., 2018) where informal actors are an in­
tegral part of the national waste management scheme. Developing
countries can learn from BRICS to acknowledge the importance of
informal actors in shaping waste reduction behaviours (Tong et al.,
2021). Unfortunately, this is not the case in Vietnam where ve chai (scrap
traders) are neither integrated nor recognised in local or national waste
management systems.
Fifth, another consensus in the focus groups is the severity of plastic
waste pollution and the attribution of plastic waste generation to the
supply side. Participants feel powerless to make their own choices not to
consume plastic or to reduce plastic consumption. That might be
because of the notion of consumer vulnerability that occurs when con­
trol is not in the consumer’s hand (Baker et al., 2005). According to
Marazzi et al. (2020) and Goldman et al. (2021), consumers’ proactive
reduction of plastic use proves to be effective in decreasing plastic waste.
Nonetheless, without a technical knowledge base, residents may never

consider their power as consumers to reduce plastic consumption and
the resulting plastic waste. This points back to waste education pro­
grams that must improve not only the knowledge of waste and waste
management but also an understanding of consumer rights and re­
sponsibilities since education is important in behavioural change (Dalu
et al., 2020; Govindan et al., 2022; Matsekoleng and Tomé Awshar,
2020).
Sixth, interviewed residents in this study mention the influences of
others on their own disposal behaviours. Witnessing such noncompliance behaviours as non-waste-sorting may negatively influence
their intention to continue sustainable waste management practices. Our
study finds that most residents choose to keep silent about noncompliance and face-saving culture is used as an excuse for not
engaging in tangible actions against deviant waste management prac­
tices. In practice, face-saving culture is prominent in a collectivist cul­
ture such as that of Vietnam (Le and Quy, 2021; Nguyen et al., 2021;
Pham et al., 2020). While the characteristics of communities could be a
factor influencing non-compliance and compliance (Briguglio, 2016),
we have found a consensus that female members of the family are ex­
pected to be accountable for household waste management. Thus, cul­
tural factors that impacts socially structured behaviours such as waste
management must be examined (Kaplan Mintz et al., 2019).
Seventh, past research indicated that the government’s role is
required in leading sustainable waste management (Tsai et al., 2021). In
our study, residents also agree that the government should lead the
national waste management program, but the lacking opinion is related
to how the government legislates industry responsibility. As argued by
Azevedo et al. (2021), it is necessary to regulate packaged product in­
dustries and require them to have structures to deal with the resulting
plastic waste, such as proper treatment, reusing and recycling. Gov­
ernments can direct industry attention to the lifecycle of products to
raise the rate of recyclable materials (Cetrulo et al., 2018), and thus
enforce environmental legislation on industry. However, interviewed
residents do not express any awareness of the connection between the
government and industry, showing an inability to fully grasp the social
institutions that contextualise plastic consumption and disposal.
Furthermore, deviant waste practices have been regarded as a crit­
ical concern of residents. Especially, illegal waste dumping into bodies
of water aroused their anger and discontentment. However, their con­
cerns have not turned into any tangible actions to stop deviant waste
practices and their effort to confront non-compliance is lacking. Resi­
dents would rather call for the government’s law making and enforce­
ment to alleviate non-compliance. This is in line with the SPT as it also
suggests that changing habits requires an unfreezing of existing habits
and using conditions to activate behavioural change. The practical im­
plications are obvious: the government is expected to not only provide
waste infrastructures but also regulate non-compliance within specified
waste legislations. Residents rely on the active role of the government in
unfreezing non-compliance habits in order to reinforce sustainable
waste management practices.
Finally, interviewed residents’ consensus on the role of social orga­
nisations illustrates their increasing involvement in waste management.
Our finding partly echoes prior studies which confirm non-government
organisations’ roles in creating residents’ awareness of waste manage­
ment (Chowdhury et al., 2020; Kulkarni, 2020). Residents prefer to get
involved in waste education programs organised by social organisations,
demonstrating that social attachment and commitment to waste man­
agement practices can be strengthened through collaboration with
resident communities, rather than political propagandas by the gov­
ernment that manipulate more than educate and motivate.
6. Conclusion
Based on the SPT, this study delves into the waste management
practices and perceptions of residents in Vietnam. This study is the first
investigation in a developing country to use SPT to understand the
7

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A.T. Nguyen et al.

nature of residents’ waste management practices and explore the impact
of technical infrastructure and social institutions from their own per­
spectives. The repeatability of waste management practices and the
formation of habits emphasise the need to consider the technical and
social conditions that either support or hinder sustainable waste
practices.
Unlike previous studies that only provide quantitative data, this
qualitative study gains a more in-depth understanding of the underlying
mechanisms and motivations. Residents’ opinions indicate that tech­
nical infrastructures only provide prerequisites for sustainable waste
management practices whereas social institutions can motivate and
mould behaviours into regular practices and habits. This is an important
implication for developing an effective waste management system.
Without infrastructure, residents face difficulties in properly disposing
of waste but social actors have a longer-term impact on shaping waste
management practices in a positive or negative direction. The study
therefore provides avenues for future research on social engagement for
intervention and behavioural change strategies.
Furthermore, the study shows that in residents’ perspectives, per­
sonal waste responsibility ends at the point of waste collection. This
indicates the prevalence of a reactive approach to waste management
amongst some residents, who tend to focus on disposal rather than
reducing waste generation through conscious consumption choices. This
also highlights the need for education about the role of consumer power
in reducing waste and promoting sustainable consumption.
The perspectives of residents shine a light on the crucial role of social
structures in fostering sustainable waste practices. The government is
perceived as the most influential actor in shaping social structures, as
they are responsible for regulating waste authorities, resident commu­
nities, manufacturers, and informal waste sectors. Residents expect the
government to prioritise policy and infrastructures as an enabler for any
micro transformation to take place at the resident level. This has sig­
nificant implications in a developing country, where inadequate gov­
ernment action can lead to residents’ using a lack of waste facilities,
regulations, and knowledge as justifications for deviant waste manage­
ment practices that may become normalised habits over time. Addi­
tionally, ve chai as informal waste workers positively influence residents’
waste sorting and minimisation efforts. As such, national waste man­
agement systems would be better off when formally integrating this
informal sector to use economic incentives for motivating household
waste sorting and reduction. Moreover, the findings demonstrate resi­
dents’ trust in one social actor, namely, social organisations. Achieving a
shift in waste management behaviours requires not only policy measures
at a macro level, but also effective communication and education efforts
at a misolevel.
We propose the following policy recommendations. At the macro
level, the government can legislate and enforce waste management to
prevent non-compliance as well as coordinate technical infrastructures
to facilitate compliance. The government is expected to regulate noncompliance behaviours within specified waste legislation frameworks
because residents rely on the government in unfreezing non-compliance
habits to reinforce proper waste behaviours. Moreover, incorporating
the informal sector in waste management systems is recommended as an
effective measure to motivate residents’ waste reduction efforts. To do
this, the government must formally acknowledge the role of informal
waste sectors by legislation and thus will be able to expand waste
management networks through millions of informal waste collectors
without having to finance them. Integrating informal waste sectors with
formal waste sectors will allow effective collaboration for a synchro­
nized waste collection and treatment system. This integration will also
allow residents to have a holistic view of waste management and to feel
incentivized to reduce waste through informal waste sectors’ efforts.
Additionally, the government can embed training on responsible con­
sumption and production and sustainable waste management in the
formal education system to educate young people about consumer rights
and citizen responsibilities. Simultaneously, manufacturers must be

regulated for controlling plastic production and consumption. At the
misolevel, the government can leverage residents’ trust in social orga­
nisations by partnering with the latter to provide training and education
on waste management. Especially, increasing personal responsibility for
household waste disposal and public littering should be part of this
training to prevent public negligence towards waste issues. Involving
male members of the family in household waste management training is
the first step towards achieving a transformation in social perceptions of
gender roles. As the orchestral effort in reducing waste cannot happen
without the involvement of residents, waste authorities must conduct
periodical assessments of residents’ opinions relating to technical in­
frastructures and social conditions required to develop and maintain
sustainable waste behaviours in families and resident communities.
Several research limitations should be acknowledged. Firstly, the
samples used may not accurately represent the entire population. While
the samples were recruited from five research sites, it would be bene­
ficial to conduct a follow-up survey to collect data from other cities and
provinces to validate the findings.
Moreover, the study only offers insights into waste management
from residents’ perspectives. Future studies could address the limita­
tions by collecting opinions from key stakeholders, including waste
authorities, waste collection and treatment operators and social orga­
nisations involved in environmental protection and waste management.
By doing so, researchers can develop a holistic framework for waste
management involving relevant stakeholders who work together to
provide technical and social contexts for facilitating sustainable waste
management practices.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence
the work reported in this paper.
Data availability
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the
corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Acknowledgments
This work was supported by Pacific Environment and Resources
Centre the United States [Grant 2019]; and RMIT University Vietnam
[Grant 052014]. The authors would like to thank Nguyen Thi Huong
Giang for her contribution to data collection. The authors thank Cimigo
Vietnam, the World Wildlife Fund Vietnam (WWF), the Green Hub, and
the Centre for Marine Life Conservation and Community Development
Vietnam (MCD) for their assistance in sample recruitment.
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