Sport, Ethics and Philosophy ISSN: 1751-1321 (Print) 1751-133X (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/rsep20 Why the rules do not prohibit cheating in sports Sinclair A. MacRae To cite this article: Sinclair A. MacRae (2024) Why the rules do not prohibit cheating in sports, Sport, Ethics and Philosophy, 18:5, 497-510, DOI: 10.1080/17511321.2023.2254941 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17511321.2023.2254941 Published online: 07 Sep 2023. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 407 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsep20 SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 2024, VOL. 18, NO. 5, 497–510 https://doi.org/10.1080/17511321.2023.2254941 Why the rules do not prohibit cheating in sports Sinclair A. MacRae Department of Humanities, Mount Royal University, Calgary, Canada ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY The idea that cheaters cannot (really) win in sports persists among philosophers, mainly due to the lingering influence of Bernard Suits’ logical incompatibility thesis. In this article I explain why the thesis does not apply to sports. I argue that the question whether cheat­ ing can be prohibited in sports is empirical rather than analytic, as is the case for games subject to the thesis. Thus, sports rules do not make cheating impossible and since game officials cannot always detect cheating and punish cheaters, cheating is a part of sports and cheaters sometimes win. Even if advances in technology made it impossible for cheaters to evade detection, since in-game officials will never know whether their attempts to provide restorative justice to those victimized by acts of cheating are successful, and since cheaters exploit this fact, it follows that not only is cheating a part of sports, but it always will be. Received 30 May 2023 Accepted 30 August 2023 KEYWORDS Logical incompatibility thesis; perfect control condition; imperfect detection condition; the epistemological problem; rectificatory justice Introduction ‘Hall of Famer Rogers Hornsby—who had a much worse reputation than Cobb for being an SOB—once wrote a magazine article called “You’ve Got to Cheat to Win” in which he contended that cheating occurred in each of the 2,259 major league games in which he participated, starting in 1915. . . . How these men got away with rule breaking and umpire abuse—fines seldom exceeded $50 and suspensions rarely lasted longer than three days —is easy to explain: cheating and fighting were believed to be central to the game’. – Leerhsen (2015, 54–55) The idea that cheating could be central to baseball, or any other oppositional sport, might follow from two conflicting analyses. Following Oliver Leaman one might contend that the presence of cheating is due to its being a good thing, at least if it is suitably regulated, because it makes sports ‘more interesting’ (2007, originally published in 1981, 195).1 Thus even if it can be eliminated, it should not be. Alternatively, one might argue that its presence is central despite being regrettable. Cheating is always functionally and ethically bad, but since it is ineliminable, sport administrators must instead pursue the second-best strategy of trying to minimize its negative effects. Of course, the idea that the rules do not prohibit cheating in sports is obviously false in one sense. The goal of eliminating cheating is a preoccupation of sports officials, including, most obviously, via the rigorous enforcement of the rules. CONTACT Sinclair A. MacRae Canada smacrae@mtroyal.ca © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Department of Humanities, Mount Royal University, Calgary, 498 S. A. MACRAE However, my title refers to a second sense of ‘prohibit’ which means ‘make impossible’ as when someone remarks that his advanced age prohibited him from reading small print without the aid of reading glasses. Many philosophers have thought that rules prohibit cheating in both senses. In addition to the obvious sense, sports are subject to what Bernard Suits dubbed ‘the logical incompatibility thesis’ according to which one cannot (really) win a game unless one plays it, and one cannot really play the game unless one obeys the rules (Suits 1967, 150).2 Since cheating consists in wrongful rule violating, for example, deceptively moving one’s knight in chess invalidly to gain a decisive winning position, the rules of the game prohibit, or make impossible, cheating in the game. In response Leaman, Fred D’Agostino, and Craig Lehman, all writing in 1981, challenged the applicability of the logical incom­ patibility thesis to sports. However, all three critiques are flawed for the reason Scott Kretchmar identified at the time. Kretchmar argued that until philosophers developed a better understanding of sport’s nature, their analyses of sports ethics would be lacking. As he admonished, ‘Metaphysical understanding must precede ethical prescription’. (1983, 22) In reflecting on some of the deficiencies in the literature, Kretchmar posed several interesting questions, some of which are still awaiting answers 40 years later: How does the game penalty system operate? For what purposes are penalties instituted? What does it mean when a given action is proscribed by the rules, and does this meaning change, as Suits suggests, where there is a standard penalty for a violation, and where there is none? Where originally prohibited actions are at some later time used in routine fashion, and where their use makes for a better game, how can they be made a part of the game? Do game penalties always ‘fit’ their respective crimes? If not, is there some danger of forfeiting a game’s fairness, particularly when one party persistently exploits weaknesses in the penalty system? Simply stated, more needs to be understood before it can be agreed that intentional rule breaking in games is morally sound behavior. (1983, 24) Even today most philosophers reading this would likely cite Kretchmar’s drawing atten­ tion to the ethical status of strategic fouling as the most pressing question he poses. But this would be a mistake, one that, ironically, illustrates his admonition. Instead, my goal here is to answer three of Kretchmar’s other questions, along with another three that are generated by them. Not only should answering these questions settle the logical incom­ patibility thesis controversy, but these answers should also deepen and extend our understanding of sports ethics, including some aspects that extend beyond cheating. This will better position us to analyze the ethics of strategic fouling, rule gaming, and various other issues. Here, then, are Kretchmar’s three questions followed by three others: (1) What does it mean when a given action is proscribed by the rules? (2) For what purposes are penalties instituted? (3) Do game penalties always ‘fit’ their crimes? (4) Why don’t the rules prohibit cheating in sports? (5) Why can’t restitution be made to those victimized by functionally wrongful rule violating? (6) Why are attempts to provide compensation (in the form of a penalty or penalties) necessarily imperfect for achieving rectificatory justice in sports? SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 499 Before proceeding I should note that my analysis mainly focuses on professional team sports characterized by varying degrees of direct and oppositional physical interaction, such sports as basketball, hockey, football, soccer, rugby, lacrosse, and baseball; what I call ‘oppositional sports’ (see MacRae 2021, 75), and hereafter simply ‘sports’. The extent to which the present analysis applies to other sports is a topic for another occasion. Exorcizing the Ghost of the Logical Incompatibility Thesis If we think of cheating in central cases of consisting ‘in both the functional and ethical violation of the first-order norms of sport in the service of obtaining false or unearned victory, or at least materially advancing the obtaining of such victory’ (Macrae 2023, 130), we can see that in calling some act ‘cheating’ we are making two kinds of judgments involving two species of value. We are making a logically more basic perfectionist assessment and a subsequent, dependent, but conceptually distinct ethical one. One reason why we must remind ourselves about this is because Suits collapses this distinction in his influential analysis of cheating in games. Furthermore, it has been tempting to assume that since the logical incompatibility thesis applies to games, and since sports are also games, it must apply to sports as well. I have previously argued that this is false (see Macrae 2020) but that argument is incomplete and confusion about this matter persists. This confusion extends beyond those who incorrectly believe that the logical incom­ patibility thesis applies to sports to include those who correctly reject this view, but who do so for poor reasons. For example, both Leaman and Lehman deny that the logical incompatibility thesis applies to sports, but they are both nevertheless haunted by the ghost of the thesis.3 Here is Leaman: In a very basic sense it is obvious that if all or some of the players in a game disobey the rules as a matter of course in their entirety, then they are not playing the game in an ethically dubious manner – they are not playing it at all. Yet this general breakdown of the rules, and consequently of the game, is not what is meant by cheating. The cheater’s behavior is on the whole conforming, since otherwise he would not be allowed to play the game. Someone who does not conform in any way to the rules of the game will presumably be forbidden, at some stage or other, to continue in it. The cheater seeks to gain an advantage over the opposition in a game and through the game, and so he wants to stay in the game, and not destroy it. (2007, 195) Leaman thinks that players can cheat without destroying a game provided they do not break too many rules. But Suits could argue that this is irrelevant. Claiming that the cheater’s behavior is on the whole rule conforming is like arguing that the bank robber’s conduct was on the whole law abiding because most of the actions he performed while he was in the bank were legal. But just as it only takes a single invalid move for the cheater to no longer be playing chess, the bank robber need only threaten a teller to break the law. The relevant question is not: how many rules can a cheater break while still playing their sport? The relevant question is: how can someone who breaks any rule of a sport while cheating still be playing that sport? Furthermore, if a cheater plays the game, then they can win it. But how can a cheater (really) win? Lehman makes a similar error. He claims that it would be absurd to say that one cannot cheat while playing a sport: 500 S. A. MACRAE For instance, many baseball fans believe that Atlanta Braves’ pitcher Gaylord Perry throws a spitball. Throwing a spitball is a violation of the rules of baseball. Suppose these fans are right about Perry. Does anyone seriously want to say that no baseball game is ever played when Perry pitches? Should Perry be ineligible for the Hall of Fame on the grounds that he has never won a game, let alone competed, in baseball? Yet this seems to follow if we accept the unqualified thesis that cheating and competing are incompatible. (1981, 42) Although he is right about this, he, like Leaman, claims that one reason why a cheater can cheat while playing his sport is because he does not violate too many rules: ‘Of course, as I conceded at the outset, a game cannot be played if too many of its rules are violated’. (1981, 43) Later, he adds, So, although I concede that at some (probably hard-to-define) point, excessive rule violations become incompatible with playing a given game, and that there also may be certain ideal cases in which exacting conformity to rules is essential, I maintain that (due to social custom and convenience) it is not in general necessary to the playing or winning of games that every rule of those games be obeyed. (1981, 43–44) Lehman clearly asserts here that since Perry only violated a single rule, he could cheat while playing the game.4 But, Suits might ask, how is this possible and how can a cheater (really) win? This leads us to the first of Kretchmar’s questions: (1) what does it mean when a given action is proscribed by the rules? If we turn to the law for some guidance, we see that there are at least two ways in which an act can be legally prohibited: because it is legally invalid or void, or because it is not in accordance with the law and therefore subject to a legal sanction. According to the Oxford English dictionary in one sense the word ‘invalid’ means ‘of no force, efficacy, or cogency; especially without legal force, void’. For example, if someone makes an inheritance claim based on an invalid will, then the claim is simply denied because the will, being invalid, is void or has no legal standing. Alternatively, a will might be legally prohibited because it is illegitimate and subject to a legal sanction, for instance because of an act of fraud, as when the sole beneficiary forges the signature of an impersonated testator. Consider this distinction as it applies to games and sports. The logical incompatibility thesis only applies to games to which the Perfect Control Condition applies, that is, to games in which all permissible moves are precisely specified by the rules (see Macrae 2020, 54). Since the main point of such games is to test players’ strategic acumen, they must be following the rules to do this. For example, we learn nothing about a player’s acumen in chess if they try to win by moving their pieces in ways that do not conform to the rules. Therefore, in games subject to the logical incompatibility thesis all moves that are prohibited are invalid. In contrast, in sports some rules violations are illegitimate and subject to penalty. To understand why consider Kretchmar’s next question: (2) for what purposes are penalties instituted? Unlike games such as chess, sports (as Suits observed) are games of physical skill that present various oppositional tests. Usually the physical contesting of opposi­ tional skills, abilities, and tactics occurs within the rules, and so is functionally legitimate. For example, in hockey teams that leverage superior speed may not cause the losing side to employ functionally illegitimate play. Being slower may be functionally bad—it may explain why a team lost—but it is not functionally illegitimate. However, sometimes those SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 501 with deficient skills, abilities, and tactics can only prevent an opponent from achieving success by committing a foul. Whereas being slower is not against the rules, impeding an opponent by holding them to try to negate their speed advantage is. However, since this is precisely the sort of difference that the sport is designed to test for, its emergence, though functionally illegitimate, is an important part of the game. This is a crucial point. Whereas invalid play is illegitimate play that is not part of a game, illegitimate play subject to penalty is part of a game. One reason why philosophers have struggled with this is because it may appear to be contradictory because it may seem that accepting this idea commits one to believing that illegitimate play is a legitimate part of sports, meaning by this that such play is recommended or desirable despite being illegitimate.5 But this is incorrect. Given the nature of the central test of each sport, the emergence of illegitimate play subject to penalty is important for what it reveals about the pursuit of success in the game, but this is not to say that such play is functionally good. Its emergence is entirely consistent with the desire of gamewrights, sports admin­ istrators, and officials to try to neutralize it. This leads us to an answer to Kretchmar’s second question: penalties are instituted to try to neutralize illegitimate play by providing rectificatory justice to those who would otherwise wrongly suffer because of such play by their opponents. Imposing a penalty for illegitimate play is necessary for maintaining the functional and ethical integrity of a sport’s games. Penalties are applied to restore legitimately earned advantages in play that would otherwise be wrongfully negated by a rule violation. In addition to having this retro­ spective justification, they also have a prospective one because they are also designed to deter wrongdoing. Players who know that they will be penalized for committing a careless foul will take more care to avoid this outcome than they would in the absence of the rule.6 Penalties also serve two purposes because they are designed to remedy and deter both merely functionally wrongful play, as in the case of the careless foul, and functionally and ethically wrongful play, or cheating.7 Unintentionally walking a batter in baseball is an error but not a moral one. In contrast cheating is functionally and ethically wrongful norm violating. One way in which a player can turn merely functionally illegitimate play, such as a careless foul, into cheating is by intentionally escaping detection and punishment.8 This distinction between merely functionally illegitimate and functionally and ethically illegitimate play leads us to a deeper question. A critic might argue that even if my analysis explains how functionally illegitimate play can be a part of sport, since cheating involves escaping detection and punishment, how can it be a part of the game?9 Since the actions of cheaters are not neutralized by the penalty system, how can their play be part of the game and how can they (really) win a game by cheating? The Imperfect Detection Condition ‘Winners never cheat, and cheaters never win’. – common saying ‘Life is not fair. Get used to it’. – Bill Gates As the foregoing analysis shows, the claim that cheating is prohibited, or impossible, in games subject to the logical incompatibility thesis is analytic. Since cheating in such games consists in invalid play, it is therefore void. In contrast, since (some types of) 502 S. A. MACRAE cheating in sports consist in illegitimate play subject to penalty, the question whether cheating can be prohibited, or made impossible, is an empirical question. It depends upon whether sports officials can eradicate it. To see why this will never happen consider cheating as occurring in the context of a complex institutional practice.10 First, we should distinguish between cheating and intending to cheat because whether cheating occurs crucially depends upon whether it goes undetected by one or more officials.11 Both Leaman and Lehman, among others, understate or overlook the role of in-game officials in understanding the story of cheating.12 They think that game playing depends on the players obeying the rules but they overlook the essential role of officials in enforcing the rules.13 If a soccer player throws a ball into his opponent’s goal, then that would lead to the breakdown of the game only if the referee permitted this. The question is not, as they claim, whether too many rules are violated; the question is whether such violations are enforced. This is what it means to say that the officials are charged with maintaining the functional integrity of sport. Therefore, Leaman is wrong to claim that a cheater can ‘destroy’ a game by breaking too many rules, just as Lehman is wrong to claim that ‘excessive rule violations is incompatible with playing a game’. One way functionally illegitimate play can become ethically bad is if game officials fail to penalize it but note that the culpability for this will fall along a spectrum. At one end the blame will fall upon the cheater but at the other end officials will be culpable, and there will also be grey-area cases in which reasonable people may struggle with fairly apportioning the blame. Thus, in addition to the wrongs of cheating, a second source of unfairness in sport is due to the failure of officials to competently enforce the penalty system.14 Obviously, since sports are officiated by fallible humans, just as errors in play are part of the game, so are errors by officials. Officials are also not omniscient. As much as sports administrators would prefer that no unfairness arises through the actions or limitations of officials, it is presently practically impossible to make this so. This fact helps us dispel a lingering confusion regarding the notion that cheaters cannot (really) win a game. The idea that ‘winners never cheat’ is correctly interpreted evaluatively, and more specifically, honorifically, not literally. Understood honorifically, it means that those displaying good sportspersonship (‘winners’) never cheat, which is analytic. Similarly, the claim that ‘cheaters never win’ is also correctly interpreted evalua­ tively, not literally. Understood evaluatively it means that although cheaters may officially win, their winning, since it is the product of cheating, is therefore debased, and as such is not true ‘winning’, in the honorific sense of that term, just as saying ‘you call that coward a man?’ employs the honorific sense of ‘man’ but does not imply that the coward referred to is not literally a man. Since officials are not omniscient, the claim that cheaters never really or literally win is simply false. Unlike in the case of games subject to the logical incompatibility thesis, cheating in sports does not invalidate or void the games in which it occurs. Although the claim that winning by cheating means that the winning did not occur in accordance with the rules (or at least their spirit), the stronger claim that this entails that such results render the game in question invalid or void, that is, not a game of that sport, just as an invalid will is not a true or legal will, is unwarranted. Thinking this would also commit one to the view that any game in which an official makes an error that impacts the result is similarly void, or not a game of that sport. However, embracing these claims is SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 503 inconsistent with the prosaic truth that sports are played and officiated by fallible, imperfect humans. Indeed, officials’ fallibility, including their lack of omniscience, is a key to understanding why cheating is part of sports. For not being subject to the Perfect Control Condition is only a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for making this claim true. There are several athletic pursuits, for example, high jump and shot put, that do not perfectly control athletes’ actions—it is up to them to decide which techni­ ques, within a permissible range, they wish to employ—but in which there are no penaltyinvoking rules. Why is this? In various sprints racers who false start twice are disqualified. Is a sprinter who has false started once penalized because they must then race knowing that another false start will disqualify them? Is this a penalty because this impedes them from anticipating the start within the allowable limit, effectively limiting their chances of having the fastest start? No and no. Technology enables race officials to determine whether a sprinter violates the rule against false starting, effectively rendering it impossible to violate the rule undetected.15 In contrast, in cases where participants have latitude to act in ways that are not perfectly controlled by the rules, and where game officials cannot perfectly determine whether the rules have been violated, players can game the rules to gain unearned competitive advantages. For example, diving in soccer is functionally wrongful because it is not a desirable lusory skill. It exploits the limited ability of referees to detect it and it is ethically wrongful because if it is successful it imposes an unearned foul on an opponent, thereby wrongly disadvantaging that player’s team, potentially with serious effects on the outcome of the match. Partly to deter such rule gaming various leagues have instituted fouls for such unsportspersonlike conduct, typically in the form of a yellow card.16 Cheating is part of a sport where not only the Perfect Control Condition does not obtain but the means for detecting such rule-violating is imperfect. Let’s refer to this second condition as the Imperfect Detection Condition.17 In sports subject to it, gamewrights, administrators, and officials institute penalty-invoking rules to try to deter potential rule breakers and, ideally, perfectly penalize them for violations. The state of perfect detection and the state of being undetectable are endpoints on a continuum with chess being situated somewhere near the former because the means for detecting rule violations are typically excellent but not perfect. For example, it is possible that a player might distract her (inexperienced) opponent and then move one of her pieces out of turn, or invalidly in turn, in order to gain an unearned strategic benefit without being caught. Such trickery is even more tempting in sports where the conditions for detecting norm violations are more difficult due to such factors as the physical nature of play, the speed of play, and the present impracticality of constantly engaging video review. This analysis further advances our answer to our fourth question (why don’t the rules prohibit cheating in sports?). Where the Imperfect Detection Condition obtains, then it will be impossible to always detect cheating and, as we have noted, since such conduct occurs in the course of play, such cheating is part of sports. Furthermore, cheaters sometimes win. Rectificatory Justice and the Epistemological Problem A critic might argue that since it is an empirical matter, it is a contingent question whether we may some day develop the technical ability to make it impossible to cheat. But alas, 504 S. A. MACRAE a separate challenge, which I will call the Epistemological Problem, is generated from the impossibility of knowing when officials’ attempts to provide restorative justice are suc­ cessful and when they fall short. To understand this difficulty consider again Kretchmar’s third question: (3) do game penalties always ‘fit’ their crimes? Not only must a good theory of cheating contend with the complications arising from the Imperfect Detection Condition obtaining, but it must also contend with the limitations of providing restorative justice for functionally wrongful penalty-invoking rule violations. Ideally such infractions would result in the restoration of conditions prior to the foul or, failing this, the provision of perfect compensation for the wronged party. Unfortunately, the former option is impossible and the prospects for the latter are limited. This leads us to an answer to our fifth question: (5) why can’t restitution be made to those victimized by functionally wrongful rule violating? Onora O’Neill distin­ guishes between two forms of rectificatory justice (O’neill 1987). Restitution, she explains, is a response to the ruptured moral relationship between offenders and victims. This means that restitution cannot be vicarious: that which has been lost must be restored to those who suffered the wrong by the wrongdoer. To make restitution for stealing your car, I must return it and apologize. Restitution would not be made if your insurance company bought you another vehicle or otherwise compensated you for your loss. My apology is offered in recognition that I cannot make complete restitution to you because although I can return your car, I cannot return it in the state it was in when I stole it. Nor can I undo having made you a victim of a crime. In sports this means that rectificatory justice cannot consist in perfect restitution. Unlike perhaps in games subject to the Perfect Control Condition, where a functionally wrongful move can be reset to the moment just prior to when the wrong move was made,18 this is not practicable given the kinetic nature and complex dynamics of sport. Trying to do so would also create more problems than would be solved, even if this was possible. For instance, in addition to the difficulty of correctly determining the exact position of all the players just prior to the wrongful act, even if resetting the action from there was possible, the rules resetting the action would themselves be subject to being gamed because they could be used to gain a different unearned advantage. For example, they could be gamed to gain unearned rest for the wrongdoer and the wrongdoer’s team. No, in the case of sports those responsible for fairly administering the rules must look to providing compensation as a second-best attempt at achieving restorative justice. This leads us to an answer to our final question: (6) why are attempts to provide compensation (in the form of a penalty or penalties) necessarily imperfect for achieving rectificatory justice in sports? O’Neill argues that compensation is a second form of rectificatory justice and since it is a response solely to victims, it can be vicarious in two respects. Victims are compensated if someone other than the wrongdoer offers them something for their loss. This lines up with the case of sports where the rules tend to take the administration of restorative justice out of the hands of the wrongdoer and instead vest officials with this responsibility. Furthermore, compensation must be vicarious in another respect: since it does not restore that which is lost, it must substitute a vicarious good. If your stolen car is not returned to SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 505 you, then your insurance company compensates you by giving you funds to purchase another one. O’Neill argues that whereas compensation cannot undo or even expunge a wrong, it can counter it. However, in sports the prospects for this happening are limited. Sometimes compensation will fairly counter the wrong, as when a fouled shooter in basketball who is awarded two free throws, and who would have scored in the absence of the foul, subsequently makes both shots. But sometimes the compensation will be an overpay­ ment (imagine the free throw shooter makes both shots but would have missed her original shot in the absence of the foul) and other times it will underpay (imagine she misses one or both free throws but would have made her original shot).19 To varying degrees the same is true for the penalty system as it applies to other sports. Even worse, how could we know which cases of compensation were fair, and which unfairly disad­ vantaged either the wrongdoer or the wronged? Although conscientious gamewrights may try their best to make the compensation fit the wrong, perfection compensation, and, significantly, the knowledge that it is perfect, will forever be out of their reach. This is the Epistemological Problem. To eradicate the wrongs of in-game cheating sports officials would need to detect all functionally illegitimate play. Let us assume for the sake of argument that advances in technology enable them to do this. Although this would end the problem with detection, they would still need to fairly compensate the wronged. However, due to the Epistemological Problem, this is impossible. Since officials will never know when the compensation offered would do this, they will never be able to eradicate the wrongs stemming from attempts to cheat. And since players are as aware of this as officials, they will continue to try to exploit the Epistemological Problem to engineer wrongful advan­ tages. And even if it is true that they can never be sure that they succeed in this, we can never be sure that they are unsuccessful. The simple truth is we will never know for certain. Regardless, it is reasonable to assume that over some indeterminate range of cases, they will by this process wrongly disadvantage their opponent. When this happens, and where this secures an unearned victory, or contributes to the obtaining of such a victory, and where it is also the product of the conscious intent of the wrongdoer, then they are victims of cheating. But can we not eliminate the vexations of the Epistemological Problem by removing doubts about the general fairness of compensation by punishing more severely? Sigmund Loland entertains this idea: Tactical fouls build on a social logic in which penalties do not fit the crime. Hence, as has been done in soccer with the introduction of a red card and expulsion from the game for bringing down a player in a scoring position, penalties should be increased. In this way, the very rationale for tactical fouls will disappear. (2005, 22–23) If only this problem was so easily solved. For although there may be cases where punishing more severely might limit the scope of the Epistemological Problem, the deficiency in this solution is that it will oftentimes leave us with the problem of overpaying for fouls. This threatens to undermine the desired lusory pursuit in a sport via, once again, rule gaming. If a hockey player knows that her team will be awarded a goal if she is fouled in various ways, then rather than focusing on devel­ oping her skill at scoring, would it not be easier, and hence more prudent, for her to 506 S. A. MACRAE learn to be a better diver? By the same reasoning should basketball players not learn how to be better floppers? But are these the sorts of skills that gamewrights want to cultivate? It rather seems preferable for them to prefer the imperfect state in which we resign ourselves to living with the Epistemological Problem instead of trying to eliminate it by overpaying for fouls. Since fairly and reasonably eliminating the Epistemological Problem seems an insurmountable challenge, I conclude that not only was Mr. Hornsby correct that cheating is a part of the game, but, at least and ironically for functionally good games, it always will be. Conclusion Some will deny my contention that those who successfully exploit the Epistemological Problem to engineer wrongful advantages are cheating. The flaw in my reasoning, they will claim, is that my argument rests on the false belief that some instances of strategic fouling are instances of cheating. A strategic foul, or an ‘intentional tactical rules violation’, is ‘an intentional act that violates the rules in a way in which the rule violator expects to be detected and penalized but expects some benefit to his or her competitive effectiveness’ (Fraleigh 2003, 169). However, since strategic fouling, unlike cheating, does not require deception or the intent to avoid detection, and since it involves the acceptance of a penalty, and, furthermore, since cheating involves deception and the avoidance of a penalty, it follows that strategic fouling is not cheating.20 Therefore, the question whether we may some day eradicate cheating via technological advances remains open. I have argued that cheating in central cases consists ‘in both the functional and ethical violation of the first-order norms of sport in the service of obtaining false or unearned victory, or at least materially advancing the obtaining of such victory’. Since strategic fouling involves fouling, there is no question that it is functionally wrongful conduct. What sometimes makes it ethically wrongful as well, and hence cheating, is not that it involves deception and avoiding detection. There is more than one way in which an act can be ethically wrongful (or cheating) and this is one reason why the concept ‘cheating’ is a general category with a number of sub-categories. Unlike attempts to violate rules while avoiding detection and penalty, strategic fouling is a form of rule gaming that is some­ times ethically wrongful when it exploits the Epistemological Problem. This occurs, as I have noted, when the fouled player or team is underpaid by the compensatory mechan­ ism that was designed to provide corrective justice, and where, consequently, such underpayment materially advances the obtaining of victory by the strategic fouler. This is not to say that all cases of strategic fouling are instances of cheating. However, a fuller defense of this claim, along with an account of a more complete typology of cheating, are topics for another time. Notes 1. With his support for ‘competitive shenanigans’, Russell (2014, 2017a, 2017b, 2018) is another notable proponent of this view. For some criticism of his position see Macrae (2019, 348–350). 2. See, for example, Suits (1967, 150, 1978, 37–38); Kathleen Pearson (1973, 117); Edwin Delattre (1975, 136); Wertz (1981); Warren Fraleigh (1984, chapter 5); William Morgan (1987); Randolph SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 507 Feezell (1988, 59 and Feezell 2004, Chapter 7); Leslie Howe (2004, 213), Deborah Vossen (2014), Alex Wolf-Root (2019), and Eric Moore (2019). 3. Likewise D’Agostino’s argument is also poor. He argues that in addition to the formal rules, a sport is also governed by an ethos—‘the unofficial, implicit, empirically determinable conventions which govern official interpretations’ of the rules (1981, 15). According to this conventionalist view, the reason why rule breakings are a part of sports is because they are recognized as such by the ethos of that sport. However, claiming that the logical incompat­ ibility thesis does not apply to sports because the conventions permit this, while true, is hardly an explanation. Lehman makes a similar error and Feezell appeals to the very same fact to reach an opposing conclusion. He claims that since what Lehman refers to as ‘cheating’ is not really cheating because it is a customary part of baseball (1988, 65). This is also question begging. 4. In referring to ‘convenience’ here Lehman is referring to an earlier point where he argues that unpenalized rule violations are part of sport because ‘there is no practical way for the officials to see everything that occurs’ in a game (1981, 43). I will argue in the next section that this is a significant point but despite raising it, Lehman does not develop it and explain its significance. 5. Russell’s endorsement of ‘competitive shenanigans’ (Russell 2017a, 103) is an exception to this. 6. Here is how Kretchmar succinctly expresses this dual justification: ‘Equity must be reestab­ lished; dissuasion for future transgressions effected’ (Kretchmar 2001, 168). 7. For an example of the confusion of functional and ethical dimensions of penalty-incurring play see Wertz (1981), 19. 8. Both Nicholas Dixon (1999, 12) and Fraleigh (1984, 72) identify cheating in this way. 9. Notice that this is a fatal question for D’Agostino’s conventionalist attempt to explain why the logical incompatibility thesis does not apply to sports. Conventions govern the official interpretations of the rules (1981, 15) so although they are relevant for deciding whether some act is or is not a rule violation, since successful cheating involves escaping detection, an appeal to conventions cannot explain why cheating is a part of sports. Conventions are relevant for understanding the regulation of merely functionally wrongful play but not the functionally and ethically wrongful play that is cheating. 10. I am discussing cheating in central cases in sports. Russell (2014, 305) cites S.P. Green’s example of someone butting into a line (Green 2006, 57), and Bernard Gert’s example of a CEO openly cheating at the company’s golf tournament (Gert 1998, 102), as instances of non-covert or non-deceptive acts of cheating. However, since these acts occur in the absence of officials or referees, they are not central cases. 11. Russell overlooks this distinction. He argues that since a baseball batter might use a corked bat but never impact the outcome of a game, it is false that cheating necessarily impacts the outcome of a game (Russell 2014, 316 and; Russell 2017a, 101). In contrast, I believe it is more perspicuous to say that the batter who never hits with the corked bat intends to cheat but is never successful in this. This reveals a difference between my interpretation of ‘cheating’ and how we commonly use the concept. Russell is correct that most people would say that hitting with a corked bat is cheating, but I have revised our ordinary concept in the interests of utility to mean ‘functionally and ethically wrongful norm violating’ (see Macrae 2019, 339–344). Although my revised concept overlaps with our ordinary one, it is not identical. For example, whether hitting with a corked bat is cheating on my analysis turns on whether it is true that using a corked bat ever results in a benefit that can only be obtained illegally. However, this appears to be false. Not only does hitting with a corked bat not produce what has been called the ‘trampoline effect’ (see Nathan et al. 2011, 575–577) but the one benefit that it does provide (it lightens a bat to make it easier to generate more bat speed), can be achieved legally in a few different ways, for example, by shaving a bat. For some discussion of this see Christopher Solomon (2011). For some discussion of the history of cheating in baseball, including this topic, see Fran Zimniuch (2009, Chapter 4). 508 S. A. MACRAE 12. Russell also does this. He claims to be examining cheating in sports but some of the examples of cheating that he cites, including the two I mentioned in note #10, are either not sports examples or do not involve sporting contexts in which officials are charged with enforcing the rules. See also Russell (2017a), 95. 13. Also consider Cesar Torres’ claim that ‘The violation of the constitutive rules effectively ends the game’, (2000, 83) meaning by this, I assume, violations by the players. But this is only true if the officials do not enforce the rules. 14. I discuss a third source of ethical wrongness—corruption—which also includes wrongdoing by officials (see Macrae 2023). I also argue that in-game officials cannot cheat and so claiming that unfairness in sports resulting from the incompetence of officials is cheating is a confusion. Russell exhibits this confusion when he infers that since many people believe that wrongful official errors are cheating, and since such errors need not be accompanied by deception by participants, it follows that deception need not be a key element of cheating (Russell 2014, 306). 15. There has recently been some controversy over false starts in sprinting. American Devon Allen was disqualified from the final of the 110-metre hurdles race at the 2022 track and field world championship for violating the anticipated start of his race by one-one thousandth of a second. However, notice that the controversy was not about the ability to detect false starts; it was over the fair setting of the allowance for sprinters to react to a starting gun. For more on this see: https://www.usatoday.com/ story/sports/2022/07/18/devon-allen-false-start-eagles-world-championships /10084999002/ 16. For some empirical evidence supporting the value of such deterrence, along with some interesting data and analysis on the strategies pertaining to diving in soccer see David et al. (2011). 17. I am making a claim here about in-game cheating. Athletes can also cheat outside of play, for example, by violating eligibility norms, as in the case of collegiate athletics or as in the case of Danny Almonte, who pitched in the 2001 Little League World Series despite being overage. Also, I was led to the Imperfect Detection Condition by Joseph Heath’s (2007) analysis of wrongful conduct in business, which was partly based upon cheating in sports. 18. Sigmund Loland (2005, 13) notes this point. 19. For some interesting discussion concerning this fairness in compensation problem, espe­ cially as it relates to the requisite player skills in various sports, see Torres (2000, section 3). 20. See, for example, José Luis Pérez Trivińo (2012, 70) and Loland (2005, 14). Russell (2014) also claims that it is part of the general incoherence in the concept ‘cheating’ that it sometimes involves deception and sometimes does not. I have criticized his position elsewhere (Macrae 2019, 2023). Also, Russell (2014, 305) claims that Dixon believes a necessary condition of cheating is that it involves deception but Dixon rather claims that attempting to break the rules while escaping detection and punishment is merely a sufficient condition for some act to be cheating (Dixon 1999, 12). Acknowledgments I would like to thank three anonymous reviewers, and the editor, Andrew Edgar, for their helpful comments and criticism. The remaining errors and shortcomings are, of course, mine. Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). SPORT, ETHICS AND PHILOSOPHY 509 ORCID Sinclair A. MacRae http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9505-1139 References D’AGOSTINO, F. 1981. The ethos of games. 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